Latin America@War

When the Task Force of the Royal Navy started its southbound voyage, as the second major act during the Falklands/Malvinas War of 1982, its commanders assessed the Argentine submarines as the biggest threat. Even if limited in total size and scope, this threat was so conditioning that the conclusion was that it had to be neutralized at the earliest possible moment in time, otherwise no victory would have been possible. The British believed that the Argentines would wait for them in the waters of the war zone with two modern and dangerous German-made Type-209 submarines, and a modified US-made submarine from the times of the Second World War. To their good luck, this threat was quickly reduced to two, because during the first naval combat of the conflict, the old ARA Santa Fe was knocked out and captured by the Royal Navy at South Georgia. Further anti-submarine operations followed on 1 May 1982, when ARA San Luis attacked Royal Navy warships, and, in turn, was counterattacked, resulting in scenes reminiscent of those from the movie Das Boot. Avoiding its pursuers, the boat distanced before re-attacking a few days later—when multiple factors conspired to prevent it from becoming successful. Despite systematic pursuit by warships and helicopters of the Royal Navy, the submarine eventually returned to its home port in one piece. Because the other Argentinean Type-209, ARA Salta, was non-operational, the withdrawal of the ARA San Luis also prompted the withdrawal of all the major units of the Argentine Navy into shallow waters off the coast of South America. Although the undersea battlefield was thus actually empty of Argentine submarines, elements of the Royal Navy's task force continued detecting and tracking multiple sonar contacts over the following days and weeks. Indeed, they ultimately fired no fewer than 31 torpedoes, 49 depth-charges and 21 mortar salvoes at these. "Go Find Him and Bring Me Back His Hat" is the story of the crews of 22 warships, submarines, anti-submarine-warfare helicopters, and Nimrod submarine-hunter aircraft, their intensive and advanced training, and combat experiences—a richly illustrated story that has never been told before.

Disputes between Ecuador and Peru are nearly 200 years old and revolve around the question of Ecuador's territory extending beyond the Andes and into the Amazonian basin, or not. Based on diverse interpretations of the Real Cedulas (Royal Proclamations) Spain used to define its colonial territories in the Americas, they became the source of the longest-running international armed conflict in the Western Hemisphere. Despite numerous attempts at a negotiated definition of the borders, the two countries fought no less than three wars during the 20th Century. Tensions dating back to the 19th Century resulted in skirmishes in 1938, which escalated into a war fought in July 1941. Further armed clashes took place in early 1981, and again in 1995. Based on extensive research in the official archives of the Fuerza Aérea del Perú (FAP), as well as documentation from multiple private sources, ‘Air Wars between Ecuador and Peru, Volume 1’ is the story of a little-known and brief, yet intensive and bitter aerial war. Taking place at the time that World War II savaged most of Europe, this conflict has attracted little attention outside Ecuador and Peru—although it is unique as significant for the studies of causes and resolutions of international conflicts: the two countries share not only language, culture, religious preferences, and social and ethnic diversity, but economic difficulties. Moreover, for most of their modern times, they have been democracies. Thus, their wars put in doubt the common contention that 'democracies never go to war with each other'. Using sources from both parties of the conflict, ‘Air Wars between Ecuador and Peru, Volume 1’ avoids the usual, biased and one-sided coverage of conflicts between Ecuador and Peru. It provides intricate details on the military capabilities and intentions of armed forces on both sides, their training, planning, and the conduct of combat operations. Moreover, illustrated with over 100 exclusive photographs, most of which have never been published before, half a dozen maps and 15 color profiles, this book provides the first authoritative account of the air warfare between Ecuador and Peru in July 1941. As such it is an indispensable source of reference for professionals and enthusiasts alike.

In 1979, the Sandinista government established itself in power in Managua, the capitol of Nicaragua. It found the country ruined by the long war against the Somosa dictatorship and natural disasters alike, and nearly half of the population either homeless or living in exile. Attempting to restructure and recover the underdeveloped economy, Sandinisas introduced a wide range of reforms and a cultural revolution. Considering the Sandinistas to be 'Cuban-supported Marxists' and therefore a major threat to the US domination of Latin America, in 1980-1981 the USA began supporting the creation of the Contrarevolutionary forces (better known as 'Contras') and thus helped provoke a new war that was to rage through Nicaragua until 1988.

In the early morning darkness of 19 March 1969, troops from Britain's 2nd Battalion of the Parachute Regiment (2 PARA) and Royal Marines, clambered into the small landing craft and helicopters aboard HMS Minervaand HMS Rothesay. Their objective, under 'Operation Sheepskin', was to invade the small Caribbean island of Anguilla through both an amphibious and airborne assault. The operation aimed to crush a two-year island rebellion against the postcolonial government of Robert Bradshaw on St Kitts. Recent military intelligence reports had been patchy as to the level of resistance to be expected from the islanders; however, the number of firearms estimated to be on the island and the recent hostility experienced by British diplomats, suggested that the troops were about to encounter a storm of bullets as they hit the beaches. Strangely enough, as the squaddies splashed ashore, they were met by the thunderous silence of an empty beach apart from the clicks of journalists' cameras. To the surprise of all involved, the occupation of the island was subsequently achieved without bloodshed. Whilst British policymakers soon questioned whether they had misread the situation in Anguilla and overreacted militarily, Fleet Street and the international media responded with ridicule. The operation was presented as a farce and emblematic of Britain's declining world role since the end of empire. This satirical interpretation has remained the abiding memory, if the invasion is remembered at all, within British public consciousness. Despite the military anti-climax however, this does not detract from the considerable importance of Operation Sheepskin for understanding the complexities of decolonization in the Caribbean; Britain's military performance following the retreat from 'East of Suez' and decision-making within the Labour government of Prime Minister Harold Wilson. This book offers an in-depth military and political reappraisal of the Anguilla Crisis, exploring the countdown to military intervention, its tactical implementation and its legacy. In doing so, the book evaluates the reasons for the British government's apparent overreaction to the crisis, the scandal that rocked Whitehall as Operation Sheepskin was being arranged and finally, the series of operational blunders which emerged as the operation was carried out. Constituting a neglected and unusual chapter of post-war British military history, the book will appeal to those readers interested in the wars of decolonization, British politics in the 1960s and the history of the Caribbean at the end of empire.

"This book covers the events mentioned above in considerable detail... little has been published on the subject and this book provides a look into how turbulent the 20s were for Mexico." - ModelingMadness.Com In the decades before Mexico joined the Allies in the Second World War, Mexican military aviation saw a rapid growth and intense involvement in rebellions, internal strife, and in operations against armed banditry. Aviation was introduced to military service in Mexico during the Revolutionary period of 1910–1920 and the bloody showdown between the subsequent president Don Venustiano Carranza and General Victoriano Huerta. Based on this experience, a strong military aviation service was understood to be an important element for maintaining internal security and was subsequently deployed at almost every opportunity. Mexican military aviation helped defeat several armed uprisings, often through little more than its psychological impact upon the insurgents and the civilian population. In at least one instance, an armed rebellion sought to obtain aircraft of its own and to recruit foreign mercenary pilots to counter the government's aircraft. Three decades of small yet intensive combat operations not only proved to be a baptism of fire for many early Mexican aviators, but also played a crucial role in forming nearly all of the commanders that went on to lead the Mexican Air Force during the Second World War. The Decades of Rebellion mini-series examines the use of air power in Mexico's internal strife from the 1920s up until the 1940s. This first volume focusses upon the rebellions of the 1920s and includes the fall of Carranza, Cantu's rebellion in Baja California, De La Huerta's rebellion and the uprising of the Yaqui people, as well as giving a comprehensive overview of the Mexican Military Aviation Service in this period. Decades of Rebellion Volume 1: Mexican Military Aviation in the Rebellions of the 1920s is richly illustrated throughout with original photographs and includes the @War series' signature colour artworks with profiles of many unusual aircraft types employed in Mexico at that time.

Operativo Independencia Volume 1 covers the lengthy background of Operation Independence between 1955 and 1974, with a brief description of all subversive guerrilla groups, the Argentine Security Forces organization, and the ERP and Montoneros organizations. International Marxist terrorism won the sympathy of many university students, Catholic movements and intellectuals in Argentina in the 1960s and 1970s, using terms such as 'dependency, imperialism, subjugation, colonialism and dictatorship'. Many of these young people had been catechists linked to Third World priests, but instead of taking the peaceful path of Christian preaching, they chose the bloody path of arms. Marxism-Leninism managed to penetrate the minds of socially well-off young people, convincing them that armed struggle was the only valid alternative against military dictatorships and Yankee imperialism. This is how they recruited hundreds of young people who later saw their lives and dreams cut short by a useless fight against a well-armed and highly professional Army. Although the first groups began to appear after the overthrow of General Juan Domingo Perón in 1955, the main guerrilla groups would only appear towards the end of the 1960s. They would 'prepare' the ground for Perón to return to the country and be President again. Perón called them 'Wonderful Youth', but he had created a monster he could not handle in his last years of life. All these groups were inspired by the successful Cuban revolution led by Fidel Castro in 1959 with an Argentine, Ernesto Guevara, aka Che, and unrealistically thought that they could seize power and turn Argentina into a 'socialist homeland' in the best Cuban style. But Argentina was not Cuba, and the Argentine Armed Forces, despite suffering deep divisions and internal conflicts, were powerful, well-armed and well-trained. Their members were highly motivated to defend the political model at the time. The subversive bands aimed to produce chaos in the country, infiltrating the Peronist mass, destroying institutions, and supporting violence against the state. To achieve their objectives, the guerrilla groups resorted to the most despicable acts: kidnapping politicians, police and military officers, diplomats, and national or foreign businessmen or their relatives for ransom; hijackings; taking prisons to free their fellow terrorists; bombing politicians' or military officers' houses, foreign factories, police stations and military bases; to the assassination of politicians, police and army officers, including even a former president, General Aramburu. Everything had an objective: to create chaos in the country to prepare for the coming of Perón. When the military governments gave way to free elections, with the Peronist candidate Héctor Cámpora winning in 1973, guerrilla activity did not decrease but instead increased significantly. Cámpora belonged to the Peronist left and was greatly influenced by his two Montonero sons, so Montoneros held crucial government positions. That cost him a severe reprimand from the Peronist leader, and when General Perón assumed the presidency, he declared these groups illegal and began to fight them. But there was also the Peronist right wing in the CGT (General Confederation of Labor) and later the so-called Triple A (Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance) led by José López Rega, which would be in charge of avenging those murders and kidnappings of trade unionists by Marxist groups, especially between 1973 and 1976. General Perón did not live much longer, and it was his wife, the vice president, who, upon assuming the presidency, had to face the severe problem of the guerrillas. Although her government ordered Operation Independence, she would not see the end of this story either, which would occur in another military government led by Lieutenant General Videla towards the end of the 1970s. Operativo Independencia Volume 1 covers

In the first half of the 20th Century, there were several revolutions in Paraguay, starting in 1904, then 1908, 1911-12, 1922-23, 1936 and finally 1947. In 1922, a huge internal crisis in the Liberal Party led to a bloody revolution and for the first time in the history of the country, both sides decided to use aerial power against the enemy. There were not any airplanes available in Paraguay at that time, and very few pilots, just three, so both the government led by President Eusebio Ayala, and the revolutionaries led by a couple of Army colonels, Chirife and Mendoza, searched for foreign pilots and planes in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Many First World War veterans emigrated to Latin America in search of a better life, either opening flight schools or offering their services in local conflicts. That is how some of them came to Paraguay with their own aircraft, which were bought by either the government or the revolutionaries. The three Paraguayan pilots offered their services to the government, which soon established the first air base near the capital, in a wide-open field called 'Ñu-Guazú' (a Guaraní name meaning 'Big Field'). Meanwhile, the rebels organized their own air base, first near the city of Villarrica, and later in Cangó. The main types used by both sides were the Ansaldo SVA5 and SVA10, but the government also managed to purchase a Breguet XIV, an Armstrong Whitworth FK.8, a SPAD S.20 and a couple of SAML A.3. Inevitably the first dogfights took place, and also bombing raids, strafing enemy troops, and recce missions on both sides. Finally, in mid-1923, the revolutionaries were defeated and one of the consequences was the foundation of the Military Aviation School. In contrast, the Revolution of 1947 lasted just a few months but it was as bloody as the previous one, if not more so. The government, supported by the Colorado Party, fought against the revolutionaries, composed of almost 70% of the Army, Navy and Air Arm, supported by the Liberal, Febrerista and Communist parties. Regarding the Air Arm, it split in two, but at the beginning most of the aircraft in flying conditions were used by the revolutionaries, whose main base was the city of Concepción, in the north of the country. Soon, the government air arm had some aircraft in flying condition although most of the Italian types purchased in 1939 were out of service. Only Lend-Lease trainers such as PT-19, BT-13, AT-6 types were used for recce and light bombing raids, using mortar ammunition. Some weeks later, the loyalists managed to repair some Caproni AP-1s to be flown against the rebels. There were a few dogfights, but no aircraft were shot down in them, although some were lost due to AA fire. In the end, the government could defeat the revolutionaries, mainly because of the lack of tactical organization in the rebel forces. This is the first in-depth account of them with data, pictures, maps and profiles, some of them never published before.

Illustrated with over 150 original photographs of the personalities, aircraft, ships and ground forces from Argentina and Chile during the conflict. The Beagle Channel lies at the southernmost tip of South America and sovereignty over a number of islands there was hotly disputed between Argentina and Chile for much of the twentieth century. Navigation rights to this channel connecting the Atlantic and Pacific oceans were of considerable strategic value. In 1978, this dispute came within hours of breaking into large-scale open warfare between the two nations at sea, in the air and on land as Argentina launched Operación Soberanía (Operation Sovereignty). Argentina's plans involved far more than just seizing a few barely inhabited islands, however, and intended to strike deep into Chile in several locations along the length of the border between the two nations. In return, Chile planned to counterattack into northern Argentina to seize territory to be held as a bargaining chip for future negotiations. The plans of these two nations, with Argentina controlled by its Military Junta and Chile under the dictatorship of General Pinochet, threatened to draw in their Latin American neighbours. The Beagle Conflict: Argentina And Chile On The Brink Of War Volume 2 1978-1984 provides a detailed examination of the militaries of Argentina and Chile at the time of the 1978 confrontation, of their plans and deployments for war, and of the negotiations and settlement through the offices of the Vatican that ultimately settled this dispute. This volume also examines further military developments up to 1984 as tensions between the Latin American neighbours eased. The volume is illustrated with over 150 original photographs of the personalities, aircraft, ships and ground forces of the two nations, maps showing the plans for war, and specially commissioned colour artworks.

The Chaco War was probably the first "modern" conflict in Latin America where military aviation was widely used in all roles. Bolivia, as the reader will find out, had a very powerful military air force, but unfortunately for them and luckily for Paraguay, its high army command did not take advantage of it. On the other hand, the Paraguayan Commander-in-Chief, General José Félix Estigarribia used military aviation to help him defeat the enemy on the ground, and the result was clear: the Bolivians were expelled from the Chaco after three years of war. Previous publications have focused on the Chaco Air War with the aircraft technical details and almost no information on aerial operations, which is this book's centerpiece. All dogfights and bombing missions mentioned are detailed including crews, aircraft, serials, places and outcomes. The book also describes how both military air forces were organized, how pilots and aviation mechanics were trained, how and where aircraft were purchased and many other unpublished before details. The maps included in the book will help the reader have an idea of where aerial operations took place, both combatants air bases, Bolivia's plan to conquer the whole region and how the Paraguayan Army finally expelled the enemy out of the Chaco. The text is supported by a large number of photographs, and specially commissioned color profile artworks from modelers.

The Chaco War was the first modern conflict in South America. Over time, it became the topic of many volumes published in both Bolivia and Paraguay—first by veterans, such as the commanders-in-chief, and the commanders of army corps', regiments or battalions, and by other ranks, in the form of personal memoirs or wider histories, and using a wide variety of sources. Subsequently, the conflict attracted attention of many foreign writers, foremost from the United States of America and Europe, who researched it with great interest. Hundreds of related articles have also been published. Nevertheless, “The Chaco War, 1932-1935” is the first ever concise history of this conflict, providing the reader with the full background to this conflict, the military build-up of the Bolivian and Paraguayan armed forces, a blow-by-blow account of Bolivian penetration of this territory since the early 20th Century, precise details on troops mobilized for the war by both sides, all of the battles fought between the belligerents, and their casualties. Two very different military concepts faced each other: the German General Hans Kundt, a First World War veteran, hired by the Bolivian Government, was a proponent of the typical Prussian tactics of front attacks regardless of cost, but also of the strategy of taking and controlling as much territory as possible without annihilating the enemy. The Paraguayan Lieutenant-Colonel José Felix Estigarribia (later promoted to Colonel, and then General), took his specialization courses in Chile and France, and was a proponent of tactics of using trench warfare for defense, and flanking the enemy when in the offensive. Eventually, Estigarribia's ideas proved their worth—partially because his forces managed to capture huge stocks of Bolivian arms and ammunition throughout the war. This is also the first book to provide an exclusive collection of photographs from the archives of the Institute of History and Military Museum of Ministry of National Defence of Paraguay, and several private archives in Paraguay and Bolivia.

The naval warfare of the last few decades appears dominated by operations of fast missile craft and a wide diversity of other minor vessels in so-called 'littoral warfare'. On the contrary, skills and knowledge about antisubmarine warfare on the high seas—a discipline that dominated much of the World War II, and once used to be the reason for existence of large fleets of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and of the Warsaw Pact—appear nearly extinct. Indeed, it seems that no armed conflicts involving this form of naval warfare have been fought for a significant time. As so often, the reality is entirely different. Submarine and antisubmarine warfare remain one of most sophisticated forms of armed conflicts to this day. Unsurprisingly, considering the amount of high-technology equipment necessary for their conduct, they are shrouded behind a thick veil of secrecy. This is why the operations of the sole Argentinean aircraft carrier—ARA 25 de Mayo—during the much-publicized war in the South Atlantic of 1982 remain largely unknown until this very day. It is well-known that the United Kingdom deployed the largest task force its Royal Navy had assembled since the Korean War over 12,000 kilometers away from home. It is well-known that the operations of this task force proved decisive for the outcome of the war: it not only brought the air power that established itself in control of the air space over the battlefield, but also hauled all the troops and supplies necessary to recover the islands that were the core of the dispute. However, the impression created very early during this conflict—and largely maintained until today—is that ARA 25 de Mayo and other elements of the accompanying Task Force 79 of the Argentinean Navy were forced into a hurried withdrawal by the sheer presence of multiple nuclear attack submarines of the Royal Navy. Based on years of research, including extensive investigation into naval operations of both sides of the conflict, A Carrier at Risk is a vibrant and lucid account of a week-long cat-and-mouse game between antisubmarine warfare specialists on board ARA 25 de Mayo, and multiple nuclear attack submarines of the Royal Navy: an entirely unknown, yet crucial aspect of the South Atlantic War. Illustrated by over 100 photographs, maps, and color profiles, this volume closes one of the major gaps—though also a crucially important affair—in the coverage of this conflict.

Based on diverse interpretations of the Real Ceduls (Royal Proclamations) by the Spanish monarchs of earlier centuries, the almost 200-year-old border dispute between Ecuador and Peru became one of the longest-running international armed conflicts in the Western hemisphere. Numerous attempts at a negotiated definition of the borders failed, and the two countries fought at least three wars in the 20th Century. Drawing upon extensive research in the official archives of the Fuerza Aérea del Peru (FAP), and documentation from multiple private sources in Ecuador and Peru, The Air Wars between Ecuador and Peru, Volume 2 reconstructs the history of the air forces of both nations, and the little-known story of their brief, yet bitter clashes of early 1981. Thanks to the availability of precise details from both parties to the conflict, the volume avoids the usual, biased and one-sided coverage of the conflict, while providing intricate details of the military build-up, capabilities and intentions of both air forces involved, their training, planning, and the conduct of combat operations. Illustrated by more than 100 exclusive photographs, half a dozen maps and 15 authentic color profiles, Air Wars between Ecuador and Peru, Volume 2 provides the first authoritative account of the air warfare between Ecuador and Peru in early 1981.

The Year 1932 was not only the year in which the famous carnival of Rio de Janeiro was organized for the first time, or the giant statue of the Christ the Redeemer was placed on top of the Corcovado mountain ridge: tragically, it was also the year of the last civil war fought in Brazil. On 9 July 1932, about 35,000 men from two Brazilian federal states-Sao Paulo and Mato Grosso do Sul—rose in arms against the dictatorship of Getúlio Vargas, demanding the return to constitutionality and democracy. This movement became known as the 'Constitutionalist', while its members became known as the 'Paulistas'. The Brazilian government reacted with brute force: it deployed over 100,000 troops supported by heavy artillery and combat aircraft. The result was the biggest war ever fought in Brazil: the first ever campaign to see strategic aerial bombardment conducted in the Americas; the first aircraft shot down in air combat, and the first to see night bombing operations. Following three months of bitter fighting, which often degenerated into trench warfare, the Paulistas were defeated. Indeed, the end of this conflict brought to the end a period of successive civil wars fought in Brazil since 1889. The Paulista War, the first authoritative account of this conflict ever published in the English language, provides a blow-by-blow account of both aerial and ground combat operations. It is lavishly illustrated with a collection of authentic photographs and exclusive color profiles, and as such is an indispensable source of reference about this crucial moment in the history of the largest country in South America.

Trinidad has the distinction of contributing the highest number of recruits per capita to the cause of notorious 'Islamic State'. The case of Trinidad and Tobago (usually abbreviated 'Trinidad') makes for an interesting study as on the face of it, a well-integrated Muslim population, a strong welfare state and an absence of political persecution on any religious or racial basis should not provide fertile recruiting ground for Jihadist ideology. However, the converse is most certainly the case as not only is attraction to such extremist causes growing but the numbers of Trinidadian nationals willing to fight for ‘IS’ is also increasing. What is happening in Trinidad is symptomatic of a broader problem as Jihadi groups have widened their reach where apparently unconnected groups can now ally with the ideology and resource bases of better known groups without formally being part of them. The flirtation with Islamist ideology on Trinidad dates back many years and through a combination of incompetence, political naiveté and unfortunate compromises. Indeed, the country faced the only Islamist coup in the entire Latin America—Caribbean region and the hemisphere. On 27 July 1990, a radical Afro-Trinidadian Islamist group, the Jamaat-al-Muslimeen, led by Imam Yasin Abu Bakr—an Afro-Trinidadian convert to Islam previously known as Lennox Philip, and a former policeman—launched an armed insurrection with 113 of his followers. Their attack quickly sacked the entire leadership of the local government: the then Prime Minister of Trinidad, Arthur N.R. Robinson, most of his cabinet and several opposition Members of Parliament, plus the staff of the government-owned television and radio networks were held hostage for six dramatic days. The Parliament Building, the television and radio studios were occupied by armed insurgents and were severely damaged during the standoff with security forces that ensued. The Trinidad and Tobago Police Service collapsed within the first hour of the insurrection, abandoning the capital city, Port of Spain, and the military took hours to assemble a viable fighting force. This book details the background to the dramatic events of July 1990 as well as the insurrection itself and the highly successfully military operation that quelled it. It was a coming of age for the Trinidad and Tobago Defense Force which, without requiring external intervention, contained and then defeated an Islamist uprising. 'Trinidad 1990' is illustrated by more than 100 authentic photographs from local archives, maps and color profiles, all of which serve to illustrate what became a little-known, yet highly-successful operation against international jihadism.

One of the three Guianas, Suriname is the only Dutch-speaking country in South America. These fertile lands were colonized by various European nations, with the Dutch capturing many plantations in what is now Suriname during the Second Anglo-Dutch War. The Treaty of Breda in 1667 established Dutch permanent rule in Dutch Guiana. In the following 300 years, Suriname saw the creation of many plantations and the influx of settlers, slaves and contract workers from many different parts of the world. This resulted in a society where African slaves, Muslim Indonesians, Hindu Indians, Chinese, European Jews and many others coexisted peacefully. During the Second World War, Suriname was one of the few Dutch territories that were not occupied by the Axis. It played a very important part in the Allies' aviation industry by supplying most of the bauxite required for the production of aluminum. In addition, Surinamers also volunteered for service with the armed forces of the Netherlands and served in Europe, Indonesia and later Korea. Suriname was "forced" into independence in 1975 by the Netherlands as part of its "decolonization program". Bureaucratic mismanagement by the democratic government led to disillusion amongst Surinamese, resulting in a military coup by a group of disgruntled NCOs in 1980. Although receiving popular support at first, the newly-created national military council soon started to rule with an iron fist, cracking down on the regime's opponents and dealing with several counter-coups. The murder of 15 dissidents in December 1982 was one of the darkest hours in recent Surinamese history and resulted in all Dutch development aid to Suriname being frozen. “Tropic Thunder in Suriname Volume 1” is illustrated by over 100 contemporary photographs, maps and numerous color profiles.

A severe social and political crisis in El Salvador during politicians, religious figures and activists through strikes but organized the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMNL) and launched an armed insurrection against the government in early 1981. Within months, the FMLN established itself in control over two departments—which it was to guerrilla's support base in the countryside. Although bombardments, strafing, shelling, summary execution of anybody captured, and massacres of civilians became the norm of the day, the FMLN continued growing in strength and by 1983, reached the peak of its power and control over the countryside. “El Salvador, Volume 1: Crisis, Coup and Uprising 1970-1983”, is the first inclusive and incisive military history of this incredibly vicious, merciless war: one of two major conflicts fought in Central America during the 1980s within the context of the Cold War. Based on official documentation and carefully cross-referenced secondary sources, it is lavishly illustrated with original photographs and custom-drawn color profiles and is an indispensable single-point source of reference.

Revolución Libertadora—or the Liberating Revolution—is the name by which the military dictatorship that ruled Argentina is known after overthrowing the constitutional president, Juan Domingo Perón, closing the National Congress, deposing the members of the Supreme Court, the provincial and municipal authorities and university and commissioning the entire Judicial Power through a coup that began on September 16 1955 and that, after more than two years, transferred the government to President-elect Arturo Frondizi, on May 1 1958, who would be overthrown in 1962. The preparations for the coup of September 1955 were intense and very careful, since the plotters did not want to repeat the mistakes made in the events of June. For this coup, the collaboration of several important army units was finally obtained, in addition to the Navy and the Air Force. “Revolución Libertadora Volume 2” details the warlike actions of both sides day by day, along with the eventual resignation, exile and return of President Perón. The text is supported by an extensive number of rare images, tables and specially-commissioned color artwork.

A severe social and political crisis in El Salvador during the 1970s resulted in widespread disturbance of daily life, political violence, repression and the outbreak of an insurgency. In March 1981, the government ran a large sweep operation along the border with Honduras in the north, accompanied by the use of scorched earth tactics and indiscriminate killing of anyone captured. A second offensive, launched in November 1981, was conducted in a similar fashion, and resulted in the massacre of hundreds of civilians by government troops. Under pressure, the insurgency of the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) called for a peace settlement and the establishment of a government of broad participation. Elections in 1982 were interrupted by a campaign of assassinations by right-wing paramilitaries, which prompted the FMLN to return to arms and hit back with a vicious campaign of attacks on military and economic targets—including Ilopango Air Base, which was heavily hit in February. A new interim government failed to introduce any kind of substantive changes and the armed forces became involved in additional atrocities against human rights activists and union leaders: the result was the next phase of the war that was to last for another two years. In 1984, Christian Democrat José Napoleón Duarte was elected president amid another wave of repression and violence, further reinforced through 1985, despite attempts to reform the armed-and security forces. Nevertheless, by 1986, the notorious 'death squads' were kidnapping and assassinating any opponents they could lay their hands upon. The FMLN thus continued striking back, culminating in the 'final offensive' of 1989, carried out with the aim of unseating a government elected in the obviously fixed elections of the previous year. It was only at that point in time that the government—under severe pressure from the USA—brought the war to an end. After 10 years of merciless fighting that uprooted over one million people and destroyed over 40 percent of homes in El Salvador, the war was over, even though death squads were to assassinate opposition leaders for years afterwards. “El Salvador Volume 2: Conflagration 1984-1992” is the first inclusive and incisive military history of this incredibly vicious, merciless war: one of two major conflicts fought in Central America in the 1980s within the context of the Cold War. Based on official documentation and carefully cross-referenced secondary sources, it is lavishly illustrated with authentic photography and custom-drawn color profiles, and as such is an indispensable single-point source of reference.

'Azules y Colorados' is the name originally used to designate two parties in hypothetical scenarios during an exercise. In 1962-1963, it provided the name for a series of armed confrontations between two branches of the Argentine Armed Forces. Both took place during the de facto presidency of José María Guido and aimed to settle the struggle between the top ranks of the Argentine military, and determine its future position in the state and society. All branches of the Argentine armed forces shared the country's alignment with the United States of America in the Cold War and the need to combat communism, but they were in disagreement regarding the attitude vis-à-vis the ideology of Peronism and the professional profile of the Armed Forces. The Azules proposed a limited integration of Peronism into Argentine political life and armed forces with a high degree of autonomy, though unified through a strict chain of command. The Colorados equated Peronism with Communism, advocating the complete eradication of both, and were characterized by a greater politicization of the military and deliberative inner workings. By 1962, each wing was fighting to gain control over the entire Armed Forces and thus be in a position to exercise guardianship over the government and set the course that national policy should follow. Politically, the radicals of the people (Balbinistas) were closer to the Colorados, while the intransigent radicals (Frondisistas) were closer to the Azules. The confrontation between the two groups was expressed in several episodes and two armed clashes, the first that took place between 16 and 18 September 1962, and the second between 2 and 5 April 2 1963. The military files registered the death of 24 combatants on both sides, while 87 were wounded, all of them in the second confrontation. Eyewitnesses reported the existence of several additional dead and wounded in both confrontations, most of them civilians, but this was never officially confirmed—however, the participation of civilians on the Colorados side was substantiated and remains well-known. Eventually, the clashes in April 1963 resulted in the Azules—led by General Juan Carlos Ongania—establishing themselves in a position of dominance over all the branches of the armed forces, supported by both civilian and ecclesiastical sectors of the society, the so-called 'Military Party'. ‘Azules y Colorados’ is the first military history of that conflict, richly illustrated with authentic photography and custom-drawn color profiles and maps, it is an indispensable source of reference about one of the crucial moments in Argentine's history.

The Beagle conflict was a territorial dispute between Argentina and Chile over the determination of the layout of the eastern mouth of the Beagle Channel, which affected the sovereignty of the islands located south of the channel, and east of Cape Horn and its adjacent maritime spaces. The first antecedents of the conflict date back to 1888, seven years after the signing of the Treaty of Limits. In 1901, the first Argentine map appeared in which some of the islands in question were drawn as within Argentina's control. Despite the small size of the islands, their strategic value between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans caused a long conflict between the two South American states that went on for much of the 20th century, causing a number of 'minor' incidents, and almost culminating in a major war. The conflict focused on the dispute over the sovereignty of the islands and the oceanic rights generated by them to Chile, but it was not limited exclusively to these islands. “Volume 1 of The Beagle Conflict” mini-series covers the origins of the dispute and border clashes between the two countries from the time of the independence of Chile and Argentina from the Spanish Crown, until early 1978, and is illustrated with original photographs, custom-drawn artworks and maps.

In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War the Western Allies—led by the US—soon found themselves at odds with the Communist Bloc dominated by the Soviet Union. In the well-known phrase coined by Winston Churchill, an 'Iron Curtain' had descended across Europe. In the shadow of this Iron Curtain a conflict of ideologies erupted, known as the Cold War. Halfway across the globe, in the Caribbean, the island of Cuba had become a playground and haven for rich Americans, and organized crime flourished there under the umbrella provided by dictator Fulgencio Batista. Batista was ousted in a revolution led by Fidel Castro who although nominally non-aligned soon fell into the orbit of the Communist Bloc. After the failed US-sponsored Bay of Pigs invasion attempt of 1961, Castro's Cuba sought ever-closer ties and security guarantees with the USSR. Thus, it was in 1962 that the US discovered evidence that the USSR was building military infrastructure in Cuba to support nuclear-armed ballistic missiles and Ilyushin bombers, protected by surface to air missiles, ground troops, anti-ship missiles and fast attack boats. For the US this was intolerable and preparations were made to destroy the missiles and invade the island. Cuba was placed under a naval quarantine and ships bound there were to be boarded and searched. The stage was set for what became known as the Cuban Missile Crisis and what many believe was perhaps the closest that the world has come to all out nuclear warfare between the two great Superpowers. Volume 2 of ‘Pigs, Missiles and the CIA’ continues the story of Cuba following the Bay of Pigs Invasion and examines the development and timeline of the missile crisis as events jumped between Washington, DC, Moscow, Havanna, and the seas and skies around Cuba in a deadly game of brinksmanship that came close to unleashing nuclear war upon the world. This volume is illustrated throughout with period photographs and specially commissioned color artworks.