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The Sovereign State and Its Competitors
An Analysis of Systems Change
by Hendrik Spruyt
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"Winner of the 1996 J. David Greenstone Book Prize, American Political Science Association" Hendrik Spruyt is Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at Columbia University.
The present international system, composed for the most part of sovereign, territorial states, is often viewed as the inevitable outcome of historical development. Hendrik Spruyt argues that there was nothing inevitable about the rise of the state system, however. Examining the competing institutions that arose during the decline of feudalism--among them urban leagues, independent communes, city states, and sovereign monarchies--Spruyt disposes of the familiar claim that the superior size and war-making ability of the sovereign nation-state made it the natural successor to the feudal system.
The author argues that feudalism did not give way to any single successor institution in simple linear fashion. Instead, individuals created a variety of institutional forms, such as the sovereign, territorial state in France, the Hanseatic League, and the Italian city-states, in reaction to a dramatic change in the medieval economic environment. Only in a subsequent selective phase of institutional evolution did sovereign, territorial authority prove to have significant institutional advantages over its rivals. Sovereign authority proved to be more successful in organizing domestic society and structuring external affairs. Spruyt's interdisciplinary approach not only has important implications for change in the state system in our time, but also presents a novel analysis of the general dynamics of institutional change. "Hendrik Spruyt's book provides new and interesting analytical framework for examining--from an international perspective--the emergence of new international political systems....The book advances a bold and intriguing hypothesis....[It is] a powerful and provocative essay; the examination of its details will probably provide much work in years to come. Any economic historian who considers the state system as fundamental to European growth should read this work."---Avner Greif, Journal of Economic History "This intriguing book argues that nation-states and territorially sovereign powers were not the only possible form of organization, and that the end of the Middle Ages saw the flowering of a variety of alternatives." "Spruyt ... shows that sovereign states of Europe emerged from the decline of feudalism as urban units gained freedom and formed leagues.... He also puts into perspective the European Union that today's nation-states are attempting to put together.... A significant contribution to political science and to European history." "Spruyt takes on a theme that is ... of central import to political science.... A convincing demonstration that there was nothing inevitable about the triumph of the [present] form of the state."-John A. Hall, McGill University
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The Cold War and After
History, Theory, and the Logic of International Politics
by Marc Trachtenberg
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Marc Trachtenberg is professor of political science at the University of California, Los Angeles. His books include A Constructed Peace and The Craft of International History (both Princeton).
A new way of looking at international relations from a leading expert in the field
What makes for war or for a stable international system? Are there general principles that should govern foreign policy? In The Cold War and After, Marc Trachtenberg, a leading historian of international relations, explores how historical work can throw light on these questions. The essays in this book deal with specific problems-with such matters as nuclear strategy and U.S.-European relations. But Trachtenberg's main goal is to show how in practice a certain type of scholarly work can be done. He demonstrates how, in studying international politics, the conceptual and empirical sides of the analysis can be made to connect with each other, and how historical, theoretical, and even policy issues can be tied together in an intellectually respectable way.
These essays address a wide variety of topics, from theoretical and policy issues, such as the question of preventive war and the problem of international order, to more historical subjects-for example, American policy on Eastern Europe in 1945 and Franco-American relations during the Nixon-Pompidou period. But in each case the aim is to show how a theoretical perspective can be brought to bear on the analysis of historical issues, and how historical analysis can shed light on basic conceptual problems. "[A] stimulating reconsideration of some of the central and already much-studied issues of the Cold War. . . . Trachtenberg argues his case thoughtfully and interestingly. Contentious in parts, stimulating throughout, this is a book for historians and international relations scholars, especially those interested in each other's endeavours, and for a wider academic readership, too."---Roger Morgan, Times Higher Education "Trachtenberg provides a fresh analysis of the United States and Eastern Europe and the question of Soviet motivations and intentions in 1945. It is familiar territory to diplomatic historians and yet the insights and the repositioning that are made possible through the methodology are fascinating."---David Ryan, International Affairs "The Cold War and After . . . will be a particularly valuable asset for (post)graduate students, although established IR scholars will also benefit. For those occupying the broad center of international studies, this book is a master class in historical and qualitative methods."---Peter Harris, Political Studies Review "Trachtenberg's often provocative conclusions make The Cold War and After . . . an important book. Any scholar interested in the latest approach to the history of the Cold War would do well to read it."---Russel Lemmons, Historian "Marc Trachtenberg is one of the best international historians in the land. His new book is filled with important insights and interesting stories. But the most important virtue of The Cold War and After is that it shows clearly that international history and international relations theory are inextricably linked and scholars cannot engage in one of those enterprises without paying serious attention to the other."-John Mearsheimer, University of Chicago "Marc Trachtenberg is unsurpassed in his ability to combine history and political science, and by bringing together a set of wide-ranging and incisive essays, he has produced a volume that belongs on the shelves of all serious scholars working in the field. The deep research, probing analysis, and distinctive voice make this book a pleasure to read."-Robert Jervis, Columbia University "This is an outstanding book, engaging and stimulating from beginning to end. Trachtenberg is one of the rare analysts of international relations with a rich sense of history, and he is one of those rare historians who can look at public policy without harsh partisan blinders.
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Economic Interdependence and War
by Dale C. Copeland
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"Winner of the 2017 ISA Annual Best Book Award, International Studies Association" "One of Choice's Outstanding Academic Titles for 2015" Dale C. Copeland is an associate professor in the Department of Politics at the University of Virginia. He is the author of The Origins of Major War.
Does growing economic interdependence among great powers increase or decrease the chance of conflict and war? Liberals argue that the benefits of trade give states an incentive to stay peaceful. Realists contend that trade compels states to struggle for vital raw materials and markets. Moving beyond the stale liberal-realist debate, Economic Interdependence and War lays out a dynamic theory of expectations that shows under what specific conditions interstate commerce will reduce or heighten the risk of conflict between nations.
Taking a broad look at cases spanning two centuries, from the Napoleonic and Crimean wars to the more recent Cold War crises, Dale Copeland demonstrates that when leaders have positive expectations of the future trade environment, they want to remain at peace in order to secure the economic benefits that enhance long-term power. When, however, these expectations turn negative, leaders are likely to fear a loss of access to raw materials and markets, giving them more incentive to initiate crises to protect their commercial interests. The theory of trade expectations holds important implications for the understanding of Sino-American relations since 1985 and for the direction these relations will likely take over the next two decades.
Economic Interdependence and War offers sweeping new insights into historical and contemporary global politics and the actual nature of democratic versus economic peace. "This bold, well-written, and landmark work draws together the fields of international political economy and security studies. It also illuminates modern international history and the future." "[A] landmark book." "[A] stimulating and penetrating book. . . . A landmark contribution to the ongoing debate on the relationship between interdependence and peace."---Jack Snyder, International Security "Exhaustively researched. . . . Copeland is a rarity among contemporary international relations scholars."---Erik Gartzke, Political Science Quarterly "Economic Interdependence and War is international relations on a gigantic scale. Copeland asks big questions, makes big arguments, engages big alternatives, and tests them all on big powers over a big time span. . . . Books like this one are a healthy reminder that there remains trenchant things to say about the big picture. . . . A work of passion, conviction, and erudition."---Joseph Parent, Perspective on Politics "This book provides a novel, nuanced and highly illuminating examination of the relationship between economic interdependence and war. . . . The book's central arguments and findings will also be of clear interest and importance for current and future policy makers as they seek to grapple with the long-term effects of increasing economic interdependence."---Stephen Ellis, Political Studies Review "This landmark book makes bold arguments and parallel big achievements. On theoretical front, the book succeeds in presenting that as an amalgam of liberal and realist approaches, future trade expectation theory has a significant deductive and explanatory power. On empirical front, the book is one of the best case studies that go in depth based on the diplomatic-historical evidence among the existing large-N quantitative empirical studies."---Hakan Mehmetcik, Journal of Global Analysis "Copeland is a refreshing book . . . most of all because it offers a possibility to reconcile and balance the traditional realist and liberal insights at the level of broad intuitions."---Massimo Morelli and Tommaso Sonno, Journal of Economic Literature "Readers seeking an engaging historical examination of war and international relations theory will learn much from Dale Copeland's Economic
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Social States
China in International Institutions, 1980-2000
by Alastair Iain Johnston
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Alastair Iain Johnston is the Governor James Noe and Linda Noe Laine Professor of China in World Affairs at Harvard University.
"Constructive engagement" became a catchphrase under the Clinton administration for America's reinvigorated efforts to pull China firmly into the international community as a responsible player, one that abides by widely accepted norms. Skeptics questioned the effectiveness of this policy and those that followed. But how is such socialization supposed to work in the first place? This has never been all that clear, whether practiced by the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), Japan, or the United States.
Social States is the first book to systematically test the effects of socialization in international relations--to help explain why players on the world stage may be moved to cooperate when doing so is not in their material power interests. Alastair Iain Johnston carries out his groundbreaking theoretical task through a richly detailed look at China's participation in international security institutions during two crucial decades of the "rise of China," from 1980 to 2000. Drawing on sociology and social psychology, this book examines three microprocesses of socialization--mimicking, social influence, and persuasion--as they have played out in the attitudes of Chinese diplomats active in the Conference on Disarmament, the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban, the Convention on Conventional Weapons, and the ASEAN Regional Forum. Among the key conclusions: Chinese officials in the post-Mao era adopted more cooperative and more self-constraining commitments to arms control and disarmament treaties, thanks to their increasing social interactions in international security institutions. "What is the process by which norms in the international system change the behavior of states? Johnston wants to identify the working parts of the causal mechanism. But rather than emphasizing pressure from other states or changing strategic interests to explain decisions to join security regimes, Johnston focuses on the social learning that takes place when policymakers interact with representatives of other states."---Andrew J. Nathan, Foreign Affairs "Johnston offers his arguments in a very cautious way, with meticulous care given to theory and methodology, thereby setting a standard that is rarely found in the current body of literature on the subject. . . . Johnston has certainly published an excellent book, that shows how cutting-edge research can be conducted by exploring in great depth an inter-disciplinary area to help shed new light on Chinese foreign policy. The book's narrow focus on security institutions makes it well-defined; we may hope that Johnston will find it worthwhile to go beyond this in future work."---Gerald Chan, The China Journal "This book is most significant for theoretical, empirical, and political reasons. Theoretically, it explores in detail micromechanisms of socialization, moving way beyond the traditional rationalist-constructivist divide. Empirically, the book demonstrates that even China changes through socialization in international institutions. The political conclusions are obvious: Keep socializing China rather than balancing!"-Thomas Risse, Freie Universität Berlin "This eagerly awaited book offers the most compelling analysis for China's 'peaceful rise' that I know of. Iain Johnston displays a complete mastery of international relations theory, a profound knowledge of Chinese foreign policy and East Asian regionalism, and impressive control over modern social science methods. For many years to come this will be the landmark study of one of the most important developments in contemporary world politics."-Peter J. Katzenstein, Cornell University "Iain Johnston's Social States is a must-read for all students of international relations theory, international institutions, and international security. With his characteristic hardheaded and systematically minded approach to
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Legitimacy and Power Politics
The American and French Revolutions in International Political Culture
by Mlada Bukovansky
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Mlada Bukovansky is Assistant Professor of Government at Smith College.
This book examines the causes and consequences of a major transformation in both domestic and international politics: the shift from dynastically legitimated monarchical sovereignty to popularly legitimated national sovereignty. It analyzes the impact of Enlightenment discourse on politics in eighteenth-century Europe and the United States, showing how that discourse facilitated new authority struggles in Old Regime Europe, shaped the American and French Revolutions, and influenced the relationships between the revolutionary regimes and the international system.
The interaction between traditional and democratic ideas of legitimacy transformed the international system by the early nineteenth century, when people began to take for granted the desirability of equality, individual rights, and restraint of power. Using an interpretive, historically sensitive approach to international relations, the author considers the complex interplay between elite discourses about political legitimacy and strategic power struggles within and among states. She shows how culture, power, and interests interacted to produce a crucial yet poorly understood case of international change.
The book not only shows the limits of liberal and realist theories of international relations, but also demonstrates how aspects of these theories can be integrated with insights derived from a constructivist perspective that takes culture and legitimacy seriously. The author finds that cultural contests over the terms of political legitimacy constitute one of the central mechanisms by which the character of sovereignty is transformed in the international system--a conclusion as true today as it was in the eighteenth century. "Bukovansky convincingly argues that ideas matter in international politics." "Bukovansky's volume is a most interesting analysis of the topic. . . . [I]t is a valuable addition to the bookshelves of those interested in the dynamics of politics (and who isn't?)."---Lora Sigler, European Legacy "Mlada Bukovansky has written a powerful study, arguing a bold and compelling theory with clarity and confidence."-Joyce Appleby, University of California, Los Angeles "Legitimacy and Power Politics makes an important and original set of arguments that speak directly to some of the most central debates in international relations theory."-Martha Finnemore, George Washington University
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Divided Armies
Inequality and Battlefield Performance in Modern War
by Jason Lyall
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"Winner of the Lepgold Prize, Mortara Center for International Studies, Georgetown University" "Winner of the Peter Katzenstein Book Prize, Cornell University Department of Government" "2019 War on the Rocks Holiday Reading List" "One of Foreign Affairs' Best Books of 2020" "Winner of the Best Book Award, Conflict Processes Section of the American Political Science Association" "Winner of the Edgar S. Furniss Book Award, Mershon Center for International Security Studies" Jason Lyall is the James Wright Associate Professor in Transnational Studies and associate professor of government at Dartmouth College, where he also directs the Political Violence FieldLab.
How do armies fight and what makes them victorious on the modern battlefield? In Divided Armies, Jason Lyall challenges long-standing answers to this classic question by linking the fate of armies to their levels of inequality. Introducing the concept of military inequality, Lyall demonstrates how a state's prewar choices about the citizenship status of ethnic groups within its population determine subsequent battlefield performance. Treating certain ethnic groups as second-class citizens, either by subjecting them to state-sanctioned discrimination or, worse, violence, undermines interethnic trust, fuels grievances, and leads victimized soldiers to subvert military authorities once war begins. The higher an army's inequality, Lyall finds, the greater its rates of desertion, side-switching, casualties, and use of coercion to force soldiers to fight.
In a sweeping historical investigation, Lyall draws on Project Mars, a new dataset of 250 conventional wars fought since 1800, to test this argument. Project Mars breaks with prior efforts by including overlooked non-Western wars while cataloguing new patterns of inequality and wartime conduct across hundreds of belligerents. Combining historical comparisons and statistical analysis, Lyall also marshals evidence from nine wars, ranging from the Eastern Fronts of World Wars I and II to less familiar wars in Africa and Central Asia, to illustrate inequality's effects.
Sounding the alarm on the dangers of inequality for battlefield performance, Divided Armies offers important lessons about warfare over the past two centuries-and for wars still to come. "A welcome mingling of the traditions of quantitative and qualitative political science. He sets a rigorous and imaginative methodological standard that others will struggle to match."---Lawrence D. Freedman, Foreign Affairs "An inviting and challenging read, one that necessitates and rewards thoughtful investment."---Dr. Larry D. Miller, National Defense University Press "An extraordinary achievement, providing new ideas about the non-material determinants of battlefield performance, and presenting compelling quantitative and qualitative evidence. It will no doubt shape research agendas on war for many years to come." "The book provides the theoretical basis for an intuitively grasped characteristic of armed forces around the world today and through history. Its argument should inform future policymaking, as well serve as a basis to re-examine past wars."---Axel Dessein, Wavell Room "A major contribution to any literature that seeks to understand military design or behavior. . . . [Lyall's] valuable empirical work and data collection - and clear methodology - will provide numerous avenues for further research to anyone with an interest in civil-military relations and conflict.-Max Margulies, Political Science Quarterly" "Lyall's important work arrays data from 250 wars since 1800 to prove systematically what Washington, Grant, and Eisenhower described: that the political compact between a country and its fighting forces is a major determinant in warfare. This beautifully written book brilliantly blends quantitative and qualitative methods to show that what states choose to do about status and belonging-about political identity-before wars decisively affects thei
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War and Punishment
The Causes of War Termination and the First World War
by H. E. Goemans
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
H. E. Goemans is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Duke University.
What makes wars drag on and why do they end when they do? Here H. E. Goemans brings theoretical rigor and empirical depth to a long-standing question of securities studies. He explores how various government leaders assess the cost of war in terms of domestic politics and their own postwar fates. Goemans first develops the argument that two sides will wage war until both gain sufficient knowledge of the other's strengths and weaknesses so as to agree on the probable outcome of continued war. Yet the incentives that motivate leaders to then terminate war, Goemans maintains, can vary greatly depending on the type of government they represent. The author looks at democracies, dictatorships, and mixed regimes and compares the willingness among leaders to back out of wars or risk the costs of continued warfare.
Democracies, according to Goemans, will prefer to withdraw quickly from a war they are not winning in order to appease the populace. Autocracies will do likewise so as not to be overthrown by their internal enemies. Mixed regimes, which are made up of several competing groups and which exclude a substantial proportion of the people from access to power, will likely see little risk in continuing a losing war in the hope of turning the tide. Goemans explores the conditions and the reasoning behind this "gamble for resurrection" as well as other strategies, using rational choice theory, statistical analysis, and detailed case studies of Germany, Britain, France, and Russia during World War I. In so doing, he offers a new perspective of the Great War that integrates domestic politics, international politics, and battlefield developments. "Goemans makes a significant addition to our understanding of war termination. In addition, the book is so well written that it is a valuable source for readers at all levels." "One can disagree with particular interpretations of Goemans, or even question his overall thesis, but it is a thesis that must be taken seriously. Goemans is to be congratulated for producing a book of value to scholars and to policy-makers, given the obvious implications of his findings for strategy."---Richard Ned Lebow, International History Review "The greatest strength of this book is that it is eminently thought-provoking, and that is praise not lightly given."---Ralph Ashby, The Historian "War and Punishmentis a refreshing combination of rigorous reasoning and elegant historical analysis on one of the most important, and least understood, aspects of war: what causes wars to end. Anyone interested in the interplay between leadership, domestic politics, and international conflict must read this book. It is a superb and enlightening analysis."-Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, Senior Fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford University "A fresh and thought-provoking analysis of why the First World War lasted so long and of what caused it to end. Goemans bridges the gap between international history and security studies, offering challenging conclusions for experts in both disciplines. His book deserves a wide readership."-David Stevenson, Professor of International History, London School of Economics and Political Science "This may very well be the best book written in the last twenty years by a political scientist on war termination, war aims, and World War I. Goemans presents a formidable challenge to the way that we think about the prosecution of war, war duration, and the links between these and regime type. Not only does the book contain tremendously valuable theoretical insights, but it also provides compelling empirical evidence."-Allan C. Stam, Yale University
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Entangling Relations
American Foreign Policy in Its Century
by David A. Lake
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
David A. Lake is Professor of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego, and coeditor of the journal International Organization. He has published widely in the field of international relations and has, most recently, coedited The International Spread of Ethnic Conflict: Fear, Diffusion, and Escalation and Strategic Choice and International Relations, both available from Princeton University Press.
Throughout what publisher Henry Luce dubbed the "American century," the United States has wrestled with two central questions. Should it pursue its security unilaterally or in cooperation with others? If the latter, how can its interests be best protected against opportunism by untrustworthy partners? In a major attempt to explain security relations from an institutionalist approach, David A. Lake shows how the answers to these questions have differed after World War I, during the Cold War, and today. In the debate over whether to join the League of Nations, the United States reaffirmed its historic policy of unilateralism. After World War II, however, it broke decisively with tradition and embraced a new policy of cooperation with partners in Europe and Asia. Today, the United States is pursuing a new strategy of cooperation, forming ad hoc coalitions and evincing an unprecedented willingness to shape but then work within the prevailing international consensus on the appropriate goals and means of foreign policy.
In interpreting these three defining moments of American foreign policy, Lake draws on theories of relational contracting and poses a general theory of security relationships. He arrays the variety of possible security relationships on a continuum from anarchy to hierarchy, and explains actual relations as a function of three key variables: the benefits from pooling security resources and efforts with others, the expected costs of opportunistic behavior by partners, and governance costs. Lake systematically applies this theory to each of the "defining moments" of twentieth-century American foreign policy and develops its broader implications for the study of international relations. "An innovative approach to understanding how and why polities choose to structure their relations with one another. . . . Lake has some interesting ideas, which he presents clearly and intelligently." "David Lake works masterfully at the intersection of highly revealing political science theories and recent important findings in the history of U.S. foreign relations. Lake opens fresh, instructive perspectives on the so-called American Century-not least by finally destroying (one hopes once and for all), the myth of American isolationism, and demonstrating how the battle over U.S. foreign policy has been, and continues to be, between whose who wish to deal with the world unilaterally and those he rightly calls internationalist."-Walter LaFeber, Cornell University "This is the most ambitious, most successful attempt yet to bring under a single, conceptual framework the strategic choices available to a state seeking to enhance its security: empire, alliance, and unilateralism. This is a major contribution to the field of international politics."-Jack Snyder, Columbia University "Entangling Relations raises an important question-what accounts for the variation in the institutional structure of security relationships?-and helps us begin to think about this problem more clearly by drawing on work in relational contracting and organizational theory in economics."-Robert Powell, UC-Berkeley
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The Arming of Europe and the Making of the First World War
by David G. Herrmann
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"Winner of the 1996 Paul Birdsall Prize, American Historical Association" David G. Herrmann is Assistant Professor of History at Tulane University.
David Herrmann's work is the most complete study to date of how land-based military power influenced international affairs during the series of diplomatic crises that led up to the First World War. Instead of emphasizing the naval arms race, which has been extensively studied before, Herrmann draws on documentary research in military and state archives in Germany, France, Austria, England, and Italy to show the previously unexplored effects of changes in the strength of the European armies during this period. Herrmann's work provides not only a contribution to debates about the causes of the war but also an account of how the European armies adopted the new weaponry of the twentieth century in the decade before 1914, including quick-firing artillery, machine guns, motor transport, and aircraft.
In a narrative account that runs from the beginning of a series of international crises in 1904 until the outbreak of the war, Herrmann points to changes in the balance of military power to explain why the war began in 1914, instead of at some other time. Russia was incapable of waging a European war in the aftermath of its defeat at the hands of Japan in 1904-5, but in 1912, when Russia appeared to be regaining its capacity to fight, an unprecedented land-armaments race began. Consequently, when the July crisis of 1914 developed, the atmosphere of military competition made war a far more likely outcome than it would have been a decade earlier. "Herrmann argues that the dynamic element which upset the European balance was the change in statesmen's perceptions of the military strengths and weaknesses of their neighbors between 1904 and 1914....A good book [that] draws on evidence from French, German, Austrian, Italian, and British archives."---David French, The Times Literary Supplement "A valuable and long-overdue book. . . . It offers a far more nuanced and sophisticated understanding of military organizations as they faced the calamity of the First World War. A first-rate piece of work."---Eliot A. Cohen, Foreign Affairs
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Does Conquest Pay?
The Exploitation of Occupied Industrial Societies
by Peter Liberman
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Peter Liberman is Associate Professor of Political Science, Queens College, City University of New York.
Can foreign invaders successfully exploit industrial economies? Since control over economic resources is a key source of power, the answer affects the likelihood of aggression and how strenuously states should counter it. The resurgence of nationalism has led many policymakers and scholars to doubt that conquest still pays. But, until now, the "cumulativity" of industrial resources has never been subjected to systematic analysis.
Does Conquest Pay? demonstrates that expansion can, in fact, provide rewards to aggressor nations. Peter Liberman argues that invaders can exploit industrial societies for short periods of time and can maintain control and economic performance over the long term. This is because modern societies are uniquely vulnerable to coercion and repression. Hence, by wielding a gun in one hand and offering food with the other, determined conquerors can compel collaboration and suppress resistance. Liberman's argument is supported by several historical case studies: Germany's capture of Belgium and Luxembourg during World War I and of nearly all of Europe during World War II; France's seizure of the Ruhr in 1923-24; the Japanese Empire during 1910-45; and Soviet hegemony over Eastern Europe in 1945-89.
Does Conquest Pay? suggests that the international system is more war-prone than many optimists claim. Liberman's findings also contribute to debates about the stability of empires and other authoritarian regimes, the effectiveness of national resistance strategies, and the sources of rebellious collective action. "An outstanding piece of multilingual historical and economic research in the service of social science." "This close study of five major occupations (including the Nazi, Japanese, and Soviet empires) concludes that conquest pays handsomely. The costs are low; the benefits potentially large. This is a valuable analysis, of significance for strategic study of the 20th century, and of disturbing implications for architects of the current international system."
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Seeking the Bomb
Strategies of Nuclear Proliferation
by Vipin Narang
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Vipin Narang is the Frank Stanton Professor of Nuclear Security and Political Science and a member of the Security Studies Program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He is author of Nuclear Strategy in the Modern Era (Princeton). Twitter @NarangVipin
The first systematic look at the different strategies that states employ in their pursuit of nuclear weapons
Much of the work on nuclear proliferation has focused on why states pursue nuclear weapons. The question of how states pursue nuclear weapons has received little attention. Seeking the Bomb is the first book to analyze this topic by examining which strategies of nuclear proliferation are available to aspirants, why aspirants select one strategy over another, and how this matters to international politics.
Looking at a wide range of nations, from India and Japan to the Soviet Union and North Korea to Iraq and Iran, Vipin Narang develops an original typology of proliferation strategies-hedging, sprinting, sheltered pursuit, and hiding. Each strategy of proliferation provides different opportunities for the development of nuclear weapons, while at the same time presenting distinct vulnerabilities that can be exploited to prevent states from doing so. Narang delves into the crucial implications these strategies have for nuclear proliferation and international security. Hiders, for example, are especially disruptive since either they successfully attain nuclear weapons, irrevocably altering the global power structure, or they are discovered, potentially triggering serious crises or war, as external powers try to halt or reverse a previously clandestine nuclear weapons program.
As the international community confronts the next generation of potential nuclear proliferators, Seeking the Bomb explores how global conflict and stability are shaped by the ruthlessly pragmatic ways states choose strategies of proliferation. ""Vipin Narang's new book, Seeking the Bomb, is an important contribution to our understanding of nuclear proliferation and, by extension, ways to prevent it . . . . the book, unfortunately, could not be more timely"---Henrietta Wilson, Times Literary Supplement "[Seeking The Bomb] brilliantly dissects and theorizes how states pursue nuclear weapons. . . .[An] innovative account."---Rabia Akhtar, International Affairs "Presenting a wealth of case studies to explain variation in would-be nuclear powers' strategies of nuclear proliferation, Narang offers a nuanced account of internal and external factors that influence decision making in each instance. This book promises to be essential reading for international security experts."-Jennifer L. Erickson, Boston College "This superb book is a major contribution to the scholarly literature on nuclear weapons proliferation and international security. Narang's theory is novel and his rigorous case studies are stunning. This is essential reading."-Scott Sagan, Stanford University "Seeking the Bomb is an exceptional book, one of the most important to come out in the field in decades. It will become the definitive work on its subject matter and be widely read by academic, policy, and general audiences."-Caitlin Talmadge, Georgetown University
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Regional Orders at Century's Dawn
Global and Domestic Influences on Grand Strategy
by Etel Solingen
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"Etel Solingen - Winner of the 2018 William and Katherine Estes Award, National Academy of Sciences" Etel Solingen is Distinguished Professor and Thomas T. and Elizabeth C. Tierney Chair in Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of California, Irvine, and the recipient of the National Academy of Sciences 2018 William and Katherine Estes Award.
Etel Solingen provides a comprehensive explanation of foreign policy based on how states throughout the world have confronted the rapid emergence of a global economy and international institutions. A major advance in international relations theory, Regional Orders at Century's Dawn skillfully uses a key issue--internationalization--to clarify other recent debates, from the notion of a democratic peace to the relevance of security dilemmas, nationalism, and the impact of international institutions. The author discusses in rich detail the Middle East, Latin America's Southern Cone, and the Korean peninsula, and builds on examples drawn from almost every other region of the world.
As Solingen demonstrates, economic liberalization--with its dramatic political and economic consequences--invariably attracts supporters and detractors, who join in coalitions to advance their agendas. Each coalition's agenda, or "grand strategy," has consequences at all levels: domestic, regional, and international. At home, coalitions struggle to define the internal allocation and management of resources, and to undermine their rivals. Throughout their regional neighborhoods, coalitions opposing internationalization often compete for dominance, sometimes militarily. Coalitions favoring internationalization, instead, often cooperate. At the global level, each coalition finds support for its "grand strategies" from different international institutions and from competing global economic trends. Solingen's concept of "grand strategy" proposes more than a theory of foreign policy and explains the role of nationalism and ethno-religious revivalism in the politics of liberalization. "A penetrating and timely contribution to the literature on international and regional conflict." "[This book] bridges the divide between international political economy and security studies. . . . A new explanation for regional conflict and cooperation. . . . One of Solingen's main contributions is to offer a causal mechanism that can account for peace among democratic and nondemocratic dyads."---Miriam Fendius Elman, Harvard University Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, International Studies Review "A sophisticated theoretical interpretation of internationalism at the end of the century."---Anthony Smith, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, Contemporary Southeast Asia "A refreshing challenge to some conventional wisdoms."---Helge Hveem, University of Oslo, Australian Journal of Political Science "A bold and innovative attempt to suggest a grand theory of foreign policy and international relations."---Arie M. Kacowicz, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Political Science Quarterly
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After Victory
Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order after Major Wars
by G. John Ikenberry
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"Winner of the Jervis-Shroeder Best Book Award" G. John Ikenberry is the Albert G. Milbank Professor of Political and International Affairs at Princeton University and a Global Eminence Scholar at Kyung Hee University in Seoul. His books include Liberal Leviathan (Princeton). The end of the Cold War was a "big bang" reminiscent of earlier moments after major wars, such as the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 and the end of the world wars in 1919 and 1945. But what do states that win wars do with their newfound power, and how do they use it to build order? In After Victory, John Ikenberry examines postwar settlements in modern history, arguing that powerful countries do seek to build stable and cooperative relations, but the type of order that emerges hinges on their ability to make commitments and restrain power. He explains that only with the spread of democracy in the twentieth century and the innovative use of international institutions-both linked to the emergence of the United States as a world power-has order been created that goes beyond balance of power politics to exhibit "constitutional" characteristics. Blending comparative politics with international relations, and history with theory, After Victory will be of interest to anyone concerned with the organization of world order, the role of institutions in world politics, and the lessons of past postwar settlements for today. "After Victory showed how international governance can serve the interest of hegemonic powers."-New York Times "The liberal argument that democratic regimes can make a dramatic difference in world affairs has finally achieved intellectual respectability, as this fine book so convincingly maintains."-Foreign Affairs "After Victory is a majestic work that combines many familiar but seemingly unrelated themes into one elegant package of exceptional theoretical and empirical sweep. . . . It should have an enduring impact on the study and practice of international relations."-Journal of Politics "Thought-provoking . . . and an important contribution."-Political Science Quarterly "Unquestionably one of the most important books in the field."-International Affairs "An elegant, penetrating study. . . . This pathbreaking work is one of the most important . . . on international order to appear in many years."-Choice
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Mercenaries, Pirates, and Sovereigns
State-Building and Extraterritorial Violence in Early Modern Europe
by Janice E. Thomson
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Janice E. Thomson is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Washington.
The contemporary organization of global violence is neither timeless nor natural, argues Janice Thomson. It is distinctively modern. In this book she examines how the present arrangement of the world into violence-monopolizing sovereign states evolved over the six preceding centuries. "All may . . . welcome [Thomson] as a fellow-grappler with that protean problem that confronts historians and . . . social scientists alike: the shortcomings of international society [today], and the degree to which those shortcomings are attributable to the idea that 'sovereign states' have of themselves, and the self-interested ways they tend to behave within it."---Geoffrey Best, Times Literary Supplement "Thomson's book is well worth reading. It is historically rich and theoretically erudite."---Michael C. Desch, Mershon International Studies Review "Janice E. Thomson's title may mislead. She is a political scientist, [but] ... there is much in Mercenaries, Pirates, and Sovereigns for historians too; for the many with an interest in state-formation and the not-so-many interested in the development of the interstate-system or, as some of us prefer to call it, international society. The common factor in the discussion of the two processes is the question of the legitimate uses of armed force." "Strike[s] at the heart of [the] assumption that a monopoly on violence is the hallmark of the state, ... [Thomson] is correct when she advises us that `state' and `sovereignty' are more mutable concepts than we might acknowledge or even admit. [A] major contribution to our understanding of international affairs and to the history of state-building."-Francis X. Hartigan, Terrorism and Political Violence
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Cooperation Among Democracies
The European Influence on u.s. Foreign Policy
by Thomas Risse-Kappen
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Thomas Risse-Kappen is Professor of International Relations at the University of Konstanz, Germany, and International Relations Chair at the European University Institute in Florence, Italy. He is the editor of Bringing Transnational Relations Back In.
In exploring the special nature of alliances among democracies, Thomas Risse-Kappen argues that the West European and Canadian allies exerted greater influence on American foreign policy during the Cold War than most analysts assume. In so doing, he challenges traditional alliance theories that emphasize strategic interactions and power-based bargaining processes. For a better understanding of the transatlantic relationship, the author proposes that we instead turn to liberal theories of international affairs. Accordingly, liberal democracies are likely to form the "pacific federations" described by Immanuel Kant or "pluralistic security communities" as Karl W. Deutsch suggested.
Through detailed case studies, Risse-Kappen shows that the Europeans affected security decisions concerning vital U.S. interest during the 1950-1953 Korean war, the 1958-1963 test ban negotiations, and the 1962 Cuban missile crisis--all during a span of time in which the U.S. enjoyed undisputed economic and military supremacy in the alliance. He situates these case studies within a theoretical framework demonstrating that the European influence on decision-making processes in Washington worked through three mechanisms: norms prescribing timely consultations among the allies, use of domestic pressures for leverage in transatlantic interactions, and transnational and transgovernmental coalitions among societal and bureaucratic actors. The book's findings have important repercussions for the post-Cold War era in that they suggest the transatlantic security community is likely to survive the end of the Soviet threat. "A serious contribution. . . . The author demonstrates that the analysis of norms points to an improved understanding of international relations. . . . Excellent documentation." "A sophisticated study of the Western alliance that emphasizes European influence on US decision-making. . . .[T]his book will be useful to historians as well as to political scientists interested in alliance and international relations theory. . . . A book that is outstanding in a crowded field. The careful research and thoughtful argument in Cooperation among Democracies make it one of the very best studies of the Western alliance."---Frank Costigliola, The International History Review
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Human Rights for Pragmatists
Social Power in Modern Times
by Jack Snyder
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
An innovative framework for advancing human rights.
Human rights are among our most pressing issues today, yet rights promoters have reached an impasse in their effort to achieve rights for all. “Human Rights for Pragmatists” explains why: activists prioritize universal legal and moral norms, backed by the public shaming of violators, but in fact rights prevail only when they serve the interests of powerful local constituencies. Jack Snyder demonstrates that where local power and politics lead, rights follow. He presents an innovative roadmap for addressing a broad agenda of human rights concerns: impunity for atrocities, dilemmas of free speech in the age of social media, entrenched abuses of women's rights, and more.
Exploring the historical development of human rights around the globe, Snyder shows that liberal rights—based states have experienced a competitive edge over authoritarian regimes in the modern era. He focuses on the role of power, the interests of individuals and the groups they form, and the dynamics of bargaining and coalitions among those groups. The path to human rights entails transitioning from a social order grounded in patronage and favoritism to one dedicated to equal treatment under impersonal rules. Rights flourish when they benefit dominant local actors with the clout to persuade ambivalent peers. Activists, policymakers, and others attempting to advance rights should embrace a tailored strategy, one that acknowledges local power structures and cultural practices.
Constructively turning the mainstream framework of human rights advocacy on its head, “Human Rights for Pragmatists” offers tangible steps that all advocates can take to move the rights project forward.
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Who Fights for Reputation
The Psychology of Leaders in International Conflict
by Keren Yarhi-Milo
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"Winner of the FPA Distinguished Scholar Award, Foreign Policy Analysis Section of the International Studies Association" "Winner of the Best Book Award, Foreign Policy Section of the American Political Science Association" Keren Yarhi-Milo is associate professor of politics and international affairs at Princeton University. She is the author of Knowing the Adversary: Leaders, Intelligence, and Assessment of Intentions in International Relations (Princeton).
How psychology explains why a leader is willing to use military force to protect or salvage reputation
In Who Fights for Reputation, Keren Yarhi-Milo provides an original framework, based on insights from psychology, to explain why some political leaders are more willing to use military force to defend their reputation than others. Rather than focusing on a leader's background, beliefs, bargaining skills, or biases, Yarhi-Milo draws a systematic link between a trait called self-monitoring and foreign policy behavior. She examines self-monitoring among national leaders and advisers and shows that while high self-monitors modify their behavior strategically to cultivate image-enhancing status, low self-monitors are less likely to change their behavior in response to reputation concerns.
Exploring self-monitoring through case studies of foreign policy crises during the terms of U.S. presidents Carter, Reagan, and Clinton, Yarhi-Milo disproves the notion that hawks are always more likely than doves to fight for reputation. Instead, Yarhi-Milo demonstrates that a decision maker's propensity for impression management is directly associated with the use of force to restore a reputation for resolve on the international stage.
Who Fights for Reputation offers a brand-new understanding of the pivotal influence that psychological factors have on political leadership, military engagement, and the protection of public prestige. "[Who Fights for Reputation] is extremely well written and lucid, and it pushes forward the fields of political psychology, international security, and foreign policy analysis in insightful ways. It is destined to become an impactful book that will be found on many undergraduate and graduate syllabi.-Marcus Holmes, Political Science Quarterly" "Who Fights for Reputation is a compelling and significant contribution to one of the most lively debates in security studies: whether and how individual leaders shake loose from system- and state-level constraints to shape international outcomes."-Peter Feaver, Duke University "Who Fights for Reputation argues that internal disposition, or self-monitoring, explains why some leaders place a high priority on establishing and defending a reputation for resolve when it comes to using military force. With superb and comprehensive analysis, this book does a masterful job of explaining why this theory of self-monitoring is relevant to foreign policy decisions."-Richard K. Herrmann, Ohio State University "With original theories and multiple sources of evidence, Yarhi-Milo sheds light on the important and neglected question of individual variation in leaders' concerns with their reputations for resolve. This book teaches us a great deal about international relations theory and postwar American foreign policy."-Robert Jervis, author of How Statesmen Think "This absorbing book shows that discussions of credibility and reputation must consider the personality characteristics of leaders, and in particular, their concerns with the way others view them. Yarhi-Milo's important account of key junctures in U.S. foreign policy demonstrates how the personal becomes political as the president's concern for how he appears blurs into preoccupation with the state's image and standing."-Deborah Welch Larson, University of California, Los Angeles "Yarhi-Milo addresses an important theoretical question, proposes a novel and powerful psychological explanation, and systematically tests it with statistical analy
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America's Mission
The United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy
by Tony Smith
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Tony Smith is the Cornelia M. Jackson Professor of Political Science at Tufts University. His recent work includes The Crisis of American Foreign Policy: Wilsonianism in the Twenty-First Century (Princeton).
America's Mission argues that the global strength and prestige of democracy today are due in large part to America's impact on international affairs. Tony Smith documents the extraordinary history of how American foreign policy has been used to try to promote democracy worldwide, an effort that enjoyed its greatest triumphs in the occupations of Japan and Germany but suffered huge setbacks in Latin America, Vietnam, and elsewhere. With new chapters and a new introduction and epilogue, this expanded edition also traces U.S. attempts to spread democracy more recently, under presidents Clinton, Bush, and Obama, and assesses America's role in the Arab Spring. "America's Mission is a book with a mission. It's aim . . . is nothing less than to overthrow the hitherto dominant theory dealing with American foreign affairs and to put in its place a different one."---Theodore Draper, New York Review of Books "America's Mission provides a comprehensive historical review of the record of American liberal internationalism. Tony Smith argues persuasively that liberal internationalism is not a cultural quirk of unsophisticated Americans. Rather, it has built on powerful global historical trends. The liberal internationalist streak in American foreign policy has, in turn, been responsible for shaping a liberal world order conducive to American security and economic interests."---Francis Fukuyama, New Republic "[Smith's] account of the 20th century is just about as close to unputdownable as it gets in the genre of political history, and ends up advocating what seems to be an appropriate level of optimism for what remains, after all, a terrifying and chaotic world." "This work, formidable in scope and scholarship, is a rousing defense of liberal Wilsonian internationalism. . . . [Smith's] historical account [of attempts to implant democracy] is accompanied by a sophisticated analysis of the perspectives on democratization of Marxists, comparativists, and realists, who hold respectively, says the author, that the United States will not, cannot, and should not promote democracy worldwide."---David C. Hendrickson, Foreign Affairs "Smith elegantly ties explanation of the past to prescription for the future. No other contemporary political scientist . . . has connected those two dimensions to this subject so well."---Mark P. Lagon, Perspectives on Political Science "This contentious study of US foreign policy is sure to generate new debates about the ideals and realities that inspire and legitimize US foreign policy." "A historically sweeping, theoretically ambitious study of American attempts at promoting liberal democracy abroad, this is the most subtle and thorough examination of a "mission" that has had more than its share of successes, halts, detours, and deviations. No student of America in this world will be able to ignore it: there is simply no comparable volume."-Stanley Hoffmann, Chairman, Center for European Studies, Dillon Professor of the Civilization of France "No one concerned with America's role in the world can afford to ignore the powerful argument and impressive scholarship of this landmark study."-Ronald Steel, University of Southern California, School of International Relations "Breathtaking in its coverage. . . . The author combines historical narrative with political analysis in dazzling fashion, particularly on Woodrow Wilson, whose pragmatic idealism is the leitmotif of this book."-Arthur S. Link, Princeton University
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From Wealth to Power
The Unusual Origins of America's World Role
by Fareed Zakaria
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Fareed Zakaria is Managing Editor of Foreign Affairs, a contributing editor to Newsweek, and has been Adjunct Professor of Political Science at Columbia University. He is a contributor to various publications, including the New York Times, the Times Literary Supplement, International Security, and Slate and is coeditor of The American Encounter: The United States and the Making of the Modern World.
What turns rich nations into great powers? How do wealthy countries begin extending their influence abroad? These questions are vital to understanding one of the most important sources of instability in international politics: the emergence of a new power. In From Wealth to Power, Fareed Zakaria seeks to answer these questions by examining the most puzzling case of a rising power in modern history--that of the United States.
If rich nations routinely become great powers, Zakaria asks, then how do we explain the strange inactivity of the United States in the late nineteenth century? By 1885, the U.S. was the richest country in the world. And yet, by all military, political, and diplomatic measures, it was a minor power. To explain this discrepancy, Zakaria considers a wide variety of cases between 1865 and 1908 when the U.S. considered expanding its influence in such diverse places as Canada, the Dominican Republic, and Iceland. Consistent with the realist theory of international relations, he argues that the President and his administration tried to increase the country's political influence abroad when they saw an increase in the nation's relative economic power. But they frequently had to curtail their plans for expansion, he shows, because they lacked a strong central government that could harness that economic power for the purposes of foreign policy. America was an unusual power--a strong nation with a weak state. It was not until late in the century, when power shifted from states to the federal government and from the legislative to the executive branch, that leaders in Washington could mobilize the nation's resources for international influence.
Zakaria's exploration of this tension between national power and state structure will change how we view the emergence of new powers and deepen our understanding of America's exceptional history. "[From Wealth to Power's] tightly argued thesis addresses a question sure to be revisited.... Its conclusions are both provocative and full of implications for the world today."---Walter A. McDougall, The New York Times Book Review "Mr. Zakaria persuasively illustrates [his] argument by examining America's emergence as a great power.... [His] account of turn-of-the-century American diplomacy is concise and insightful."---Aaron L. Friedberg, The Wall Street Journal "A significant contribution to the study of international relations." "Beautifully conceived; dazzlingly executed: Zakaria's theoretical penetration is matched by his mastery of the process of America's coming of age as a great power. The book casts a bright light on the past and the future-and the future of international politics."-Kenneth N. Waltz, Institute of War and Peace Studies, Columbia University "The theory of state-centered realism set forth in From Wealth to Power is the most important innovation in foreign policy theory.... This book shows how theory and history can be combined to improve the former and illuminate the latter. It is a superb example of qualitative social science analysis."-Samuel P. Huntington, Director, John M. Olin Institute for Strategic Studies, Harvard University
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Politics and Strategy
Partisan Ambition and American Statecraft
by Peter Trubowitz
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"One of Choice's Outstanding Academic Titles for 2011: Top 25 Books" Peter Trubowitz is professor of government at the University of Texas, Austin. He is the author of Defining the National Interest.
Why do some national leaders pursue ambitious grand strategies and adventuresome foreign policies while others do not? When do leaders boldly confront foreign threats and when are they less assertive? Politics and Strategy shows that grand strategies are Janus-faced: their formulation has as much to do with a leader's ability to govern at home as it does with maintaining the nation's security abroad. Drawing on the American political experience, Peter Trubowitz reveals how variations in domestic party politics and international power have led presidents from George Washington to Barack Obama to pursue strategies that differ widely in international ambition and cost. He considers why some presidents overreach in foreign affairs while others fail to do enough.
Trubowitz pushes the understanding of grand strategy beyond traditional approaches that stress only international forces or domestic interests. He provides insights into how past leaders responded to cross-pressures between geopolitics and party politics, and how similar issues continue to bedevil American statecraft today. He suggests that the trade-offs shaping American leaders' foreign policy choices are not unique--analogous trade-offs confront Chinese and Russian leaders as well.
Combining innovative theory and historical analysis, Politics and Strategy answers classic questions of statecraft and offers new ideas for thinking about grand strategies and the leaders who make them. "Trubowitz has written an impressive book with a modest thesis. He makes the case that both the distribution of power around the world and domestic politics influence strategic decisions in U.S. foreign policy. . . . Trubowitz captures the complexity of these decisions with theoretical sophistication, an unusual breadth of historical examples, and an impressive clarity of argument. This is an important book." "Scholars of American politics and international relations alike will find a strong theoretical foundation along with extensive empirical material in this work for exploring such topics."---Meena Bose, Political Science Quarterly "Politics and Strategy is the best book on U.S. grand strategy to emerge in years. Trubowitz provides a simple and elegant model that accounts for U.S. strategic choices over centuries. Going beyond the tired isolationist-internationalist dichotomy, this book establishes a far more interesting and complex pattern of variation of U.S. grand strategies, exposing unexpected commonalities between the strategic aims of such unlikely bedfellows as Washington and Franklin Roosevelt, McKinley and G. W. Bush, or Hoover and Clinton. This is a signal contribution to scholarship with major implications for policy debates."-William Wohlforth, Dartmouth College "Politics and Strategy is vintage Trubowitz. Large in intellectual ambition and empirical scope, elegantly sparse in theoretical formulation, and compelling in the evidence it presents, this book offers a deeply illuminating causal narrative of American foreign policy. The book's grasp of international relations theory is lucid, its in-depth engagement of American domestic politics is exemplary, and its practical policy implications are important. This book shines a brilliantly clear light on a subject too often shrouded in the depressing fog dispensed by pundits and blogs."-Peter Katzenstein, Cornell University "Trubowitz places grand strategy at the critical intersection of political economy and security, where it belongs. His book is both a major addition to the positive theory of grand strategy and a novel reinterpretation of the history of American foreign policy."-Miles Kahler, University of California, San Diego "Politics and Strategy is a great book. It offers a big-think synthesis of the two le
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Nuclear Strategy in the Modern Era
Regional Powers and International Conflict
by Vipin Narang
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"Winner of the 2015 Best Book, International Security Studies Section of the International Studies Association" Vipin Narang is the Frank Stanton Professor of Nuclear Security and Political Science and a member of the Security Studies Program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
The world is in a second nuclear age in which regional powers play an increasingly prominent role. These states have small nuclear arsenals, often face multiple active conflicts, and sometimes have weak institutions. How do these nuclear states-and potential future ones-manage their nuclear forces and influence international conflict? Examining the reasoning and deterrence consequences of regional power nuclear strategies, this book demonstrates that these strategies matter greatly to international stability and it provides new insights into conflict dynamics across important areas of the world such as the Middle East, East Asia, and South Asia.
Vipin Narang identifies the diversity of regional power nuclear strategies and describes in detail the posture each regional power has adopted over time. Developing a theory for the sources of regional power nuclear strategies, he offers the first systematic explanation of why states choose the postures they do and under what conditions they might shift strategies. Narang then analyzes the effects of these choices on a state's ability to deter conflict. Using both quantitative and qualitative analysis, he shows that, contrary to a bedrock article of faith in the canon of nuclear deterrence, the acquisition of nuclear weapons does not produce a uniform deterrent effect against opponents. Rather, some postures deter conflict more successfully than others.
Nuclear Strategy in the Modern Era considers the range of nuclear choices made by regional powers and the critical challenges they pose to modern international security. "Narang adds importantly to the scholarly understanding of nuclear posture in a way that can inform policy. He studies an important topic, shatters false assumptions, provides insightful and useful new conceptual categories, offers apparently powerful theoretical explanations of important behaviors, provides a valuable set of case studies, and opens doors for additional scholarly research. . . . The many avenues for additional research it suggests and worrisome possibilities it surfaces testify to the analytic strength and policy ambition of this important book."---Douglas B. Shaw, Arms Control Today "Narang explores an understudied aspect of nuclear strategy and doctrine. Rejecting conventional scholarly thinking that nuclear weapons have an inherent ability to deter conflict, Narang examines the nuclear postures of Pakistan, India, China, Israel, South Africa, and France." "Finally, we have a book on proliferation that is rooted in the discipline of Political Science with persuasive explanatory powers and great analytical value."---Michael Krepon, Arms Control Wonk "This book fills a gaping hole in the existing literature."---Jacques Hymans, Political Science Quarterly "Nuclear Strategy in the Modern Era impressively advances scholarship on nuclear proliferation and its consequences."---Dinshaw Mistry, Perspectives on Politics "With its combination of theoretical ambition, empirical rigor, and lucid writing, Narang's book deserves a place on the strategist's bookshelf alongside Brodie, Schelling, Jervis, Betts, and other classics."---Todd S. Sechser, Journal of Strategic Studies "This excellent book offers a novel typology of nuclear postures and a theory that explains why states adopt certain postures but not others, before assessing the consequences of postures for deterrence. An exemplary blend of theory and qualitative and quantitative evidence, its conclusions have wide-ranging implications for the way we think about nuclear deterrence."-Alexander Downes, George Washington University "This book makes a major contribution to our understanding of the nuclear challenges
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Worse Than a Monolith
Alliance Politics and Problems of Coercive Diplomacy in Asia
by Thomas J. Christensen
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Thomas J. Christensen is the William P. Boswell Professor of World Politics of Peace and War and Director of the China and the World Program at Princeton University's Woodrow Wilson School. He is the author of Useful Adversaries (Princeton). From 2006-2008, he served as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs.
In brute-force struggles for survival, such as the two World Wars, disorganization and divisions within an enemy alliance are to one's own advantage. However, most international security politics involve coercive diplomacy and negotiations short of all-out war. Worse Than a Monolith demonstrates that when states are engaged in coercive diplomacy--combining threats and assurances to influence the behavior of real or potential adversaries--divisions, rivalries, and lack of coordination within the opposing camp often make it more difficult to prevent the onset of conflict, to prevent existing conflicts from escalating, and to negotiate the end to those conflicts promptly. Focusing on relations between the Communist and anti-Communist alliances in Asia during the Cold War, Thomas Christensen explores how internal divisions and lack of cohesion in the two alliances complicated and undercut coercive diplomacy by sending confusing signals about strength, resolve, and intent. In the case of the Communist camp, internal mistrust and rivalries catalyzed the movement's aggressiveness in ways that we would not have expected from a more cohesive movement under Moscow's clear control.
Reviewing newly available archival material, Christensen examines the instability in relations across the Asian Cold War divide, and sheds new light on the Korean and Vietnam wars.
While recognizing clear differences between the Cold War and post-Cold War environments, he investigates how efforts to adjust burden-sharing roles among the United States and its Asian security partners have complicated U.S.-China security relations since the collapse of the Soviet Union. "I am sure that there will be many who will dispute Christensen's emphasis on alliance politics as the major factor in recent U.S.-Asian diplomatic history. Personally, I find his evidentiary base persuasive and his analysis attractively parsimonious. . . . [A]n intelligent, accessible, and significant work."---James W. White, American Diplomacy "Christensen both writes well and supports his hypothesis well; the material makes for mesmerizing reading."---June Teufel Dreyer, Journal of Military History "The [book] is a sumptuous array of original analysis and rich detail, backed up by judicious use of archival and secondary sources in both Chinese and English. . . . [F]or anyone teaching a college-level course on U.S.-East Asia relations or East Asian politics, the book should be required reading. . . . Christensen's Worse than a Monolith is a major contribution to Cold War studies and U.S.-East Asia relations."---Sung-Yoon Lee, New Global Studies "A great scholarly book is not one that offers ultimate answers to all the questions that it has raised and tried to deal with; it is one that asks meaningful questions and, in coming up with answers to them, serves as a new point of departure for scholarly discussion and intellectual exchange. Christensen's is exactly such a book, and it is in this spirit that I write this review and put forward the above suggestions. This book surely will be read, discussed and, at times, debated by scholars for a long time to come."---Chen Jian, H-Diplo/ISSF Roundtable Reviews "Christensen's volume greatly enriches our understanding of alliance politics and deterrence in Asia during the Cold War. It is thorough in its research, clear in its presentation, rich in its insight, and thought-provoking in its interpretations."---Qiang Zhai, H-Diplo/ISSF Roundtable Reviews "Christensen's book is an important contribution to the burgeoning literature on East Asian security. He provides a counterintuitive theoretical claim tha
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Knowing the Adversary
Leaders, Intelligence, and Assessment of Intentions in International Relations
by Keren Yarhi-Milo
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"Co-Winner of the 2016 DPLST Book Prize, Diplomatic Studies Section of the International Studies Association" "Winner, 2014 Edgar S. Furniss Book Award, Mershon Center for International Security Studies" Keren Yarhi-Milo is assistant professor of politics and international affairs at Princeton University.
States are more likely to engage in risky and destabilizing actions such as military buildups and preemptive strikes if they believe their adversaries pose a tangible threat. Yet despite the crucial importance of this issue, we don't know enough about how states and their leaders draw inferences about their adversaries' long-term intentions. Knowing the Adversary draws on a wealth of historical archival evidence to shed new light on how world leaders and intelligence organizations actually make these assessments.
Keren Yarhi-Milo examines three cases: Britain's assessments of Nazi Germany's intentions in the 1930s, America's assessments of the Soviet Union's intentions during the Carter administration, and the Reagan administration's assessments of Soviet intentions near the end of the Cold War. She advances a new theoretical framework-called selective attention-that emphasizes organizational dynamics, personal diplomatic interactions, and cognitive and affective factors. Yarhi-Milo finds that decision makers don't pay as much attention to those aspects of state behavior that major theories of international politics claim they do. Instead, they tend to determine the intentions of adversaries on the basis of preexisting beliefs, theories, and personal impressions. Yarhi-Milo also shows how intelligence organizations rely on very different indicators than decision makers, focusing more on changes in the military capabilities of adversaries.
Knowing the Adversary provides a clearer picture of the historical validity of existing theories, and broadens our understanding of the important role that diplomacy plays in international security. "[Knowing the Adversary] enriches the debate over the best way for policymakers and analysts to filter the vast pools of information they gather about rivals." "[A] solid scholarly book….The major contribution of the book is the systematic focus on a notoriously amorphous subject--how world leaders and intelligence organizations draw inferences about their adversaries' long-term intentions." "Knowing the Adversary is a great success: it is thoroughly researched, well written, convincing in its conclusions, and rich in policy implications of the highest security importance."---Mark L. Haas, Political Science Quarterly "How do political leaders and intelligence organizations make inferences about adversary intentions? Yarhi-Milo makes a major contribution to the study of this critical question by developing a new theory of threat perception and testing it in three important historical cases. With its extraordinarily detailed historical research, extensive coverage of primary sources, compelling evidence, and balanced interpretations, Knowing the Adversary is indispensable reading for conflict theorists, intelligence analysts, and diplomatic historians."-Jack S. Levy, Rutgers University "Threat perception is a central topic for international politics, but is remarkably understudied. Yarhi-Milo's fascinating and important book is a huge step forward. Testing theories based on rational choice, organization theory, and psychology, and using original research on British perceptions of Nazi Germany and American views of the USSR, she shows that decision makers and intelligence analysts looked at different indicators and that the attention paid by both groups was highly selective."-Robert Jervis, author of Perception and Misperception in International Politics "Knowing the Adversary tackles a central question in international security and reaches nonobvious conclusions with wide implications. The quality of the empirical work is outstanding. I can think of few recent qualitative studies t
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Polarization and International Politics
How Extreme Partisanship Threatens Global Stability
by Rachel Myrick
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
How extreme polarization undermines the advantages that democracies have when formulating foreign policy
Polarization is a defining feature of politics in the United States and many other democracies. Yet although there is much research focusing on the effects of polarization on domestic politics, little is known about how polarization influences international cooperation and conflict. Democracies are thought to have advantages over nondemocratic nations in international relations, including the ability to keep foreign policy stable across time, credibly signal information to adversaries, and maintain commitments to allies. Does domestic polarization affect these "democratic advantages"? In this timely book, Rachel Myrick argues that polarization reshapes the nature of constraints on democratic leaders, which in turn erodes the advantages democracies have in foreign affairs.
Drawing on a range of evidence, including cross-national analyses, observational and experimental public opinion research, descriptive data on the behavior of politicians, and interviews with policymakers, Myrick develops metrics that explain the effect of extreme polarization on international politics and traces the pathways by which polarization undermines each of the democratic advantages. Turning to the case of contemporary US foreign policy, Myrick shows that as its political leaders become less responsive to the public and less accountable to political opposition, the United States loses both reliability as an ally and credibility as an adversary. Myrick's account links the effects of polarization on democratic governance to theories of international relations, integrating work across the fields of international relations, comparative politics, and American politics to explore how patterns of domestic polarization shape the international system. Rachel Myrick is the Douglas and Ellen Lowey Assistant Professor of Political Science at Duke University. "In a masterful book blending clarity with scholarly rigor, Myrick marshals a dizzying array of evidence to reveal the critical ways partisan polarization undercuts longstanding advantages in American foreign policy. An enormously impressive scholarly achievement, and indispensable reading for scholars and policymakers alike."-Joshua D. Kertzer, Harvard University
"Through a variety of evidence and careful consideration of causal mechanisms, Myrick demonstrates that the effects of partisan polarization do not stop at the water's edge; polarization at home affects the ability of a country to deter enemies and work effectively with partners. It is an agenda-setting book."-Brett Ashley Leeds, author of Domestic Interests, Democracy, and Foreign Policy Change
"This book makes a major contribution to international relations scholarship. It addresses a vitally important and pressing question, it is well-argued, well-supported, and well-written, and it upends what we know about democracies and IR."-Elizabeth N. Saunders, Columbia University "Winner of the Best Book Award, Conflict Processes Section of the American Political Science Association" "Myrick marshals an impressive array of empirical data to document patterns of extreme polarization within democracies and its impact on international relations. She makes clear that as long as deep divisions persist in the United States, the country's foreign policy will suffer."---G. John Ikenberry, Foreign Affairs
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1989
The Struggle to Create Post-Cold War Europe
by Mary Elise Sarotte
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"A Financial Times Book of the Year" "Winner of the 2010 Robert H. Ferrell Book Prize Award, Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations" "Co-Winner of the 2010 Marshall Shulman Book Prize, Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies" "Winner of the 2009 DAAD Prize for Distinguished Scholarship in German and European Studies, awarded by the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies" "One of Choice's Outstanding Academic Titles for 2010" Mary Elise Sarotte is Visiting Professor of Government and History at Harvard University and Dean's Professor of History at the University of Southern California. She is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the author of The Collapse: The Accidental Opening of the Berlin Wall.
How the political events of 1989 shaped Europe after the Cold War
1989 explores the momentous events following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the effects they have had on our world ever since. Based on documents, interviews, and television broadcasts from Washington, London, Paris, Bonn, Berlin, Warsaw, Moscow, and a dozen other locations, 1989 describes how Germany unified, NATO expansion began, and Russia got left on the periphery of the new Europe.
This updated edition contains a new afterword with the most recent evidence on the 1990 origins of NATO's post-Cold War expansion. "Sarotte's focus is on Germany. . . . [She] describes a host of competing conceptions of post-cold-war Europe that flourished, mutated and perished in the maelstrom of events that led up to German unity. . . . Two decades later . . . [t]here are still nuclear missiles aimed across the continent. It's hard to imagine that it could have been otherwise--but, Sarotte shows us, it could have been."---Paul Hockenos, New York Times Book Review "A great virtue of Mary Elise Sarotte's 1989 is that she makes the problem of hindsight bias explicit, and systematically explores the roads not taken."---Timothy Garton Ash, New York Review of Books "Much the most exciting of these books is Mary Elise Sarotte's 1989. In contrast to the other authors, Sarotte treats the uprisings and collapses of that year as a prelude to the biggest change of all: 'the struggle to create post-Cold War Europe', as her subtitle puts it. . . . Sarottte [is] a lucid and compelling writer."---Neal Ascherson, London Review of Books "The author embeds her interpretation in a sharp-eyed, fluent narrative of 1989-1990 that sees the realpolitik behind the stirring upheavals. . . . [S]he offers a smart and canny analysis of the birth of our not-so-new world order." "Mary Elise Sarotte's 1989 . . . shows why this post-Cold War world, and not a different one, came out of the dramatic events of 1989, and why the result was bound to pit the U.S. against Russia again in the twenty-first century."---George Packer, NewYorker.com "A hugely impressive study that looks beyond 1989 to the many-faceted battle to shape the new Europe." "Sarotte's book is compact and highly interpretive. Yet Sarotte has thoroughly mastered the original source material in all the key countries. She distills it with great skill, constantly enlivening her account with a sensibility for what these changes meant in life and culture. Hers is now the best one-volume work on Germany's unification available. It contains the clearest understanding to date of the extraordinary juggling performance of Kohl."---Philip D. Zelikow, Foreign Affairs "[A] scrupulous account of the high politics and diplomacy of 1989. With remarkable diligence, [Sarotte] has interviewed almost all the surviving participants, and quarried government archives and other libraries for documents that illustrate the decision-making (and lack of it) that year. The result is a tale of hypocrisy and indecision in high places." "The tragic hero of 1989, for Sarotte, is Gorbachev. He was, and is still seen by many Russians as a King Lear figure: a man prepared to give away what he should have retained to a west be
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Violent Victors
Why Bloodstained Parties Win Postwar Elections
by Sarah Zukerman Daly
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Why populations brutalized in war elect their tormentors.
One of the great puzzles of electoral politics is how parties that commit mass atrocities in war often win the support of victimized populations to establish the postwar political order. Violent Victors traces how parties derived from violent, wartime belligerents successfully campaign as the best providers of future societal peace, attracting votes not just from their core supporters but oftentimes also from the very people they targeted in war.
Drawing on more than two years of groundbreaking fieldwork, Sarah Daly combines case studies of victim voters in Latin America with experimental survey evidence and new data on postwar elections around the world. She argues that, contrary to oft-cited fears, post-conflict elections do not necessarily give rise to renewed instability or political violence. Daly demonstrates how war-scarred citizens reward belligerent parties for promising peace and security instead of blaming them for war. Yet, in so casting their ballots, voters sacrifice justice, liberal democracy, and social welfare.
Proposing actionable interventions that can help to moderate these trade-offs, “Violent Victors” links war outcomes with democratic outcomes to shed essential new light on political life after war and offers global perspectives on important questions about electoral behavior in the wake of mass violence.
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The Korean War
An International History
by William Stueck
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
William Stueck is Professor of History at the University of Georgia. Among his works is The Road to Confrontation: American Policy toward China and Korea, 1947-1950.
This first truly international history of the Korean War argues that by its timing, its course, and its outcome it functioned as a substitute for World War III. Stueck draws on recently available materials from seven countries, plus the archives of the United Nations, presenting a detailed narrative of the diplomacy of the conflict and a broad assessment of its critical role in the Cold War. He emphasizes the contribution of the United Nations, which at several key points in the conflict provided an important institutional framework within which less powerful nations were able to restrain the aggressive tendencies of the United States.
In Stueck's view, contributors to the U.N. cause in Korea provided support not out of any abstract commitment to a universal system of collective security but because they saw an opportunity to influence U.S. policy. Chinese intervention in Korea in the fall of 1950 brought with it the threat of world war, but at that time and in other instances prior to the armistice in July 1953, America's NATO allies and Third World neutrals succeeded in curbing American adventurism. While conceding the tragic and brutal nature of the war, Stueck suggests that it helped to prevent the occurrence of an even more destructive conflict in Europe. "Stueck has canvassed research libraries in North America, England, and Australia to give us what must stand as the most complete and intelligent international history of the war yet written."---Lloyd Gardner, Reviews in American History "Any serious student of the Korean War will want to read this book for its measured perspectives and concern to contextualize its subject."---Jeffrey Grey, Journal of Military History "Stueck has written an impressive, large-scale synthesis of the entire conflict.... [He] excels at describing the intricate diplomatic maneuverings that took place throughout the war, and that were aimed at avoiding a major clash between the great powers."---David Rees, The National Interest "International history does not come much better than this. . . . William Stueck has scoured archives on four continents to produce the most comprehensive, authoritative, and judicious single-volume treatment of the politics and diplomacy of the first major armed clash of the Cold War. . . . The book is a tour de force."---H.W. Brands, Pacific Historical Review "A comprehensive and illuminating analysis and review of the Korean War-the war that in many ways defined the future of international relations, and in particular the American role in those relations."-The Honorable Paul H. Nitze, Former Arms Control Negotiator
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A World Safe for Commerce
American Foreign Policy From The Revolution To The Rise Of China
by Dale C. Copeland
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
An Economist Biggest Book of the Year
How commerce determines whether America preserves the peace or goes to war
When the Cold War ended, many believed that expanding trade would usher in an era of peace. Yet today the United States finds itself confronting not just Russia in Europe but China in the Indo-Pacific, Africa, and Latin America. Shedding new light on how trade both reduces and increases the risks of international crisis, A World Safe for Commerce traces how, since the nation's founding, the United States has consistently moved from peace to conflict when the commerce needed for national security is under threat.
Dale Copeland shows how commerce pushes the United States and its rivals to expand their spheres of influence for access to goods even as they worry about provoking a breakdown in trade relations that could spiral into military conflict. Taking readers from the wars with Britain in 1776 and 1812 to World War II and the Cold War, he describes how America's leaders have grappled with this inherent tension, and why they have shifted, sometimes dramatically, from peaceful, mutually beneficial policies to coercion and force in order to increase control over vital trade and prevent economic decline.
A World Safe for Commerce reveals how trade competition could lead the United States and China into full-scale confrontation. But it also offers hope that both sides can work to improve their overall trade expectations and foster the confidence needed for long-term peace and stability. Dale C. Copeland is professor of international relations at the University of Virginia. He is the author of Economic Interdependence and War (Princeton) and The Origins of Major War. "A World Safe for Commerce is international relations scholarship at its best. It combines offensive and defensive realist theories to provide a sweeping and compelling reinterpretation of US foreign economic and military policy. Copeland's magisterial treatment will be essential reading for scholars of IR theory, US foreign policy, and international political economy."-Michael Mastanduno, Dartmouth College
"A World Safe for Commerce is a stunning achievement. It is the first book to provide a single, comprehensive argument to explain the continuities and changes in American foreign policy over the past two and a half centuries. The implications of the argument for US-China relations and the future peace are profound."-Strobe Talbott, former US deputy secretary of state
"With a sweeping analysis of American foreign policy, Copeland develops a theory of dynamic realism that reveals how economic interdependence shapes grand strategy. Along the way, this provocative book also provides a compelling narrative that connects to current challenges for managing contemporary US-China relations."-Christina L. Davis, author of Discriminatory Clubs
"Copeland's dynamic theory of commerce and power politics is a major contribution to international relations theory, and the basis for bold, original, and meticulously researched interpretations of key episodes of American foreign policy. A World Safe for Commerce is a pathbreaking achievement that will help define scholarly debates for years to come."-Jack S. Levy, Rutgers University
"At a time when America is once again battling great power rivals for control over geopolitical spheres of influence, Dale Copeland's innovative study shows that the expected impact of trade on military security has always been a key motive for American global expansion."-Jack Snyder, author of Human Rights for Pragmatists
"A World Safe for Commerce builds on Copeland's earlier award-winning work blending geopolitics and international commerce in ways that provide a valuable theoretical framework along with keen insights focusing particularly on the United States. The book is both rich in history and bears on critical contemporary global power dynamics."-Bruce W.
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Liberal Leviathan
The Origins, Crisis, and Transformation of the American World Order
by G. John Ikenberry
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"One of Choice's Outstanding Academic Titles for 2011: Top 25 Books" G. John Ikenberry is the Albert G. Milbank Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University. His books include After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order after Major Wars (Princeton).
A new vision for the American world order
In the second half of the twentieth century, the United States engaged in the most ambitious and far-reaching liberal order building the world had yet seen. This liberal international order has been one of the most successful in history in providing security and prosperity to more people. But in the last decade, the American-led order has been troubled. Some argue that the Bush administration, with its war on terror, invasion of Iraq, and unilateral orientation, undermined this liberal order. Others argue that we are witnessing the end of the American era. Liberal Leviathan engages these debates.
G. John Ikenberry argues that the crisis that besets the American-led order is a crisis of authority. A political struggle has been ignited over the distribution of roles, rights, and authority within the liberal international order. But the deeper logic of liberal order remains alive and well. The forces that have triggered this crisis-the rise of non-Western states such as China, contested norms of sovereignty, and the deepening of economic and security interdependence-have resulted from the successful functioning and expansion of the postwar liberal order, not its breakdown. The liberal international order has encountered crises in the past and evolved as a result. It will do so again.
Ikenberry provides the most systematic statement yet about the theory and practice of the liberal international order, and a forceful message for policymakers, scholars, and general readers about why America must renegotiate its relationship with the rest of the world and pursue a more enlightened strategy-that of the liberal leviathan. "[A]mbitious and thought-provoking."---Gideon Rachman, Financial Times "International orders guide how major powers interact with one another and with less powerful states: how they cooperate and compete in trade and security and when and why they respect one another's sovereignty. Ikenberry's important book tackles this complex subject, giving readers a deep understanding of the factors that determine the type of international order. . . . Liberal Leviathan is a valuable guide to understanding the factors that will determine its eventual shape." "Liberal Leviathan is a brilliant inquisition into the nature of international order, politics of unipolarity, and substance of United States foreign policy. . . . Drawing equally on international relations theory, history, and political theory, Liberal Leviathan offers a probing analysis into the challenges to the current U.S.-led international order and its likely future."---David A. Lake, Global Governance "This is a valuable work of international relations theory." "Liberal Leviathan is a great review of the state of the art of broad and narrow Realist and liberal theories being discussed in American academia."---César de Prado, International Affairs "His book lucidly explains how the end of the Cold War allowed the U.S.-dominated Western system to expand to the rest of the world. Ikenberry's account has an intuitive appeal. There's always more than enough chaos to argue that the world is in crisis . . . he writes thoughtfully about the challenge of integrating rising powers into global governance. . . . As a clear and informed synthesis of the existing scholarship on global governance, this book is a success."---David Bosco, American Prospect "Ikenberry's book is a cogently developed argument that builds upon his previous writings and will be a point of reference for the 'international liberal' literature."---Jakub J. Grygiel, Claremont Review of Books "[T]he sheer breadth of the work, the clarity of the pres
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Technology and the Rise of Great Powers
How Diffusion Shapes Economic Competition
by Jeffrey Ding
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
A novel theory of how technological revolutions affect the rise and fall of great powers
When scholars and policymakers consider how technological advances affect the rise and fall of great powers, they draw on theories that center the moment of innovation-the eureka moment that sparks astonishing technological feats. In this book, Jeffrey Ding offers a different explanation of how technological revolutions affect competition among great powers. Rather than focusing on which state first introduced major innovations, he investigates why some states were more successful than others at adapting and embracing new technologies at scale. Drawing on historical case studies of past industrial revolutions as well as statistical analysis, Ding develops a theory that emphasizes institutional adaptations oriented around diffusing technological advances throughout the entire economy.
Examining Britain's rise to preeminence in the First Industrial Revolution, America and Germany's overtaking of Britain in the Second Industrial Revolution, and Japan's challenge to America's technological dominance in the Third Industrial Revolution (also known as the "information revolution"), Ding illuminates the pathway by which these technological revolutions influenced the global distribution of power and explores the generalizability of his theory beyond the given set of great powers. His findings bear directly on current concerns about how emerging technologies such as AI could influence the US-China power balance. Jeffrey Ding is assistant professor of political science at George Washington University. He also holds research affiliations with the Foreign Policy Research Institute, the Elliott School of International Affairs, and the Centre for the Governance of AI. "A rich and essential contribution that transcends any one intellectual field. To say Technology and the Rise of Great Powers is timely is an understatement, given both the intensifying economic and security competition between the United States and China as well as the very visible advent and apparently rapid spread of AI." -Jonathan D. Caverley, US Naval War College
"Ding's Technology and the Rise of Great Powers provides a powerful new argument about how technology can change world politics. He shows that creating an infrastructure of education and training systems for developing new general-purpose technology skills is critical to global leadership. Power transitions in global politics may depend more on ordinary engineers than on heroic inventors."-Helen Milner, Princeton University
"A well-written, ambitious book. It will certainly have a major impact on the field and will likely kick off an important debate on the role of technology in great power relations."-Abraham Newman, Georgetown University "A Chicago Council on Global Affairs Read of the Year" "One of the best books examining . . . how technology enables national power is from Jeffrey Ding. . . . An important and interesting book." "Brilliant. . . . [Technology and the Rise of Great Powers] is one of the most important books in international relations to be published in years." "[Technology and the Rise of Great Powers's] most significant contribution is its framework for analyzing how technology influences international power dynamics across populations. Instead of focusing on the technological capabilities and resources of companies like OpenAI and DeepSeek, Ding urges social scientists to adopt a long-term historical perspective-one that prioritizes skill in‐frastructure and diffusion over innovation as the primary driver of international power."---Sebastian James Rose, H-Net Reviews
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Germany Divided
From the Wall to Reunification
by A. James McAdams
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
A. James McAdams is a Departmental Fellow at the Kellogg Institute for International Studies and Associate Professor of Government and International Relations at the University of Notre Dame.
Germany Divided remains one of the most thought-provoking and comprehensive interpretations of the forty-year relationship between East and West Germany and of the problems of contemporary German unity. In this politically controversial and analytically sophisticated account, A. James McAdams dissects the complex process by which East and West German leaders moved over the years from first pursuing the ideal of German unity, to accepting what they believed to be the inescapable reality of division, and then, finally, to meeting the challenges of an unanticipated reunification. This new edition contains an epilogue in which McAdams considers some of the political and economic problems faced by eastern and western Germans as they entered their fourth year of living together. "A masterly and elegantly written account of the interweaving of domestic politics and inter-German relations." ". . . a notable analysis of the two Germanys and how they became one." ". . . comprehensive coverage and first-rate analysis of the intricate East-West German relationship in the 1970's and 80's." "A. James McAdams' excellent book is above all the story of the two Germanies' forty-year history with each other. . . . Using a plethora of interviews and other primary sources, McAdams presents a story unavailable elsewhere." "Well documented and consistently rigorous, McAdams' study points out the immense challenges that remain before a liberal democratic Germany can be created." "An outstanding analysis of the changing relations between East and West Germany." "There are very few scholars in the German field who move as comfortably between the different worlds of Bonn and East Berlin as does A. James McAdams."-Norman Naimark, Stanford University
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George F. Kennan and the Making of American Foreign Policy, 1947-1950
by Wilson D. Miscamble, C.S.C.
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"Finalist for the 1993 Hoover Presidential Library Association Book Award" Wilson D. Miscamble, C.S.C., is Director of Graduate Studies and Associate Professor of History at the University of Notre Dame.
When George C. Marshall became Secretary of State in January of 1947, he faced not only a staggering array of serious foreign policy questions but also a State Department rendered ineffective by neglect, maladministration, and low morale. Soon after his arrival Marshall asked George F. Kennan to head a new component in the department's structure--the Policy Planning Staff. Here Wilson Miscamble scrutinizes Kennan's subsequent influence over foreign policymaking during the crucial years from 1947 to 1950. "A good analytical examination of American foreign policy as seen through the lens of the State Department's Policy Planning Staff. . . . As such it embraces much more than the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The author insists that there was no grand design to American policy in these years, but one is impressed by the pervasive and lucid intellect of Ambassador Kennan."---William G. Hyland, Foreign Affairs "This book is the most insightful treatment of George Kennan that has yet been published and the best work I know on the making of U.S. foreign policy during this period. The work is an astonishing scholarly accomplishment. Miscamble offers fresh interpretations and a new sense of the context in which policy was made and of the complex influences on the policymakers."-Richard H. Ullman, Princeton University
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Driving the Soviets up the Wall
Soviet-East German Relations, 1953-1961
by Hope M. Harrison
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"Winner of the 2004 Marshall Shulman Book Prize, American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies" Hope M. Harrison is Director of the Institute for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies in the Elliott School of International Affairs at The George Washington University. She is also Associate Professor of History and International Affairs at the Elliott School. She served as Director for European and Eurasian Affairs at the National Security Council from 2000 to 2001.
The Berlin Wall was the symbol of the Cold War. For the first time, this path-breaking book tells the behind-the-scenes story of the communists' decision to build the Wall in 1961. Hope Harrison's use of archival sources from the former East German and Soviet regimes is unrivalled, and from these sources she builds a highly original and provocative argument: the East Germans pushed the reluctant Soviets into building the Berlin Wall.
This fascinating work portrays the different approaches favored by the East Germans and the Soviets to stop the exodus of refugees to West Germany. In the wake of Stalin's death in 1953, the Soviets refused the East German request to close their border to West Berlin. The Kremlin rulers told the hard-line East German leaders to solve their refugee problem not by closing the border, but by alleviating their domestic and foreign problems. The book describes how, over the next seven years, the East German regime managed to resist Soviet pressures for liberalization and instead pressured the Soviets into allowing them to build the Berlin Wall. Driving the Soviets Up the Wall forces us to view this critical juncture in the Cold War in a different light. Harrison's work makes us rethink the nature of relations between countries of the Soviet bloc even at the height of the Cold War, while also contributing to ongoing debates over the capacity of weaker states to influence their stronger allies. "Harrison has turned over every archival rock in reconstructing the tense relationship between the Soviet Union and Walter Ulbricht's East Germany, from Stalin's death until the construction of the Berlin Wall.. . . Harrison is not alone in teaching us that third parties played a significant role in shaping the Cold War, but hers is a particularly striking example." "A smoothly written, clearly organized, and massively documented account . . . [which] deserves to be read by every serious student of post-war Europe."---W.J. Lavery, History: Reviews of New Books "This aptly entitled book makes an outstanding contribution to what has become known as 'the new Cold War history.' Lucidly written and fascinating to read, it demonstrates how, under a unique set of circumstances, a satellite state in the depths of existential crisis could manipulate a superpower."---Peter Grieder, Central European History "Harrison has written a thoughtful, fluent, and meticulously researched study of Soviet-East German relations between 1953 and 1961. Driving the Soviets Up the Wall is a fine example of the new scholarship on the cold war that has emerged since 1991 and a rewarding read for anybody interested in finding out exactly how and why the Berlin Wall came to be built."---Alan McDougall, Journal of Modern History "Hope Harrison's book is a truly distinguished example of new Cold War scholarship. As an account of Soviet-East German relations from 1953 to 1961, it is likely to be definitive. As a case study of how a small power can manipulate a super-power, it is sure to become a classic. As both multi-archival history and international relations theory, therefore, Driving the Soviets up the Wall is a remarkable accomplishment indeed."-John Lewis Gaddis, Yale University "Hope Harrison has written a lucid, penetrating, and deeply knowledgeable study on the relationship between the Kremlin and its most important satellite."-Strobe Talbott, Brookings Institution "This book is likely to become the definitive study on the Berlin Wall's construction
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The Geopolitics of Shaming
When Human Rights Pressure Works-and When It Backfires
by Rochelle Terman
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
A bold new perspective on the strategic logic of international human rights enforcement
When a government violates the rights of its citizens, the international community can respond by exerting moral pressure and urging reform. Yet many of the most egregious violations appear to go unpunished. In many cases, shaming not only fails to induce compliance but also incites a backlash, provoking resistance and worsening human rights practices. The Geopolitics of Shaming presents a new theory on the strategic logic of international human rights enforcement, revealing why and how states punish violations in other countries, when shaming leads to an improvement in human rights conditions, and when it backfires.
Drawing on a wide range of evidence-from large-scale cross-national data to original survey experiments and detailed case studies-Rochelle Terman shows how human rights shaming is a deeply political process, one that operates in and through strategic relationships. Arguing that preexisting geopolitical relationships condition both the causes and consequences of shaming in world politics, she shows how adversaries are quick to condemn human rights abuses but often provoke a counterproductive response, while friends and allies are the most effective shamers but can be reluctant to impose meaningful sanctions.
Upending conventional wisdom on the role of norms in world affairs, The Geopolitics of Shaming demonstrates that politicization is integral to-not a corruption of-the success of the global human rights project. Rochelle Terman is assistant professor of political science at the University of Chicago. "Placing human rights shaming in strategic context allows Terman to explore, not just happy stories of compliance, but also logics of backlash, resistance, and hypocrisy in human rights promotion. This smart and provocative marriage of geopolitics with norm promotion has broad implications beyond human rights."-Martha Finnemore, George Washington University
"Why do governments shame certain states about human rights violations but ignore other abusers? When does shaming work? Rochelle Terman's relational approach reveals the possibilities but also the significant geopolitical limits of this widely revered tactic. Her nuanced book makes a significant contribution to a realistic account of human rights."-Clifford Bob, Duquesne University and author of Rights as Weapons: Instruments of Conflict, Tools of Power
"This insightful book addresses the important and timely debate about whether shaming strategies are effective in bringing about changes in human rights practices. Terman makes the crucial point that, in order to better understand the politics of shaming, we need to think about the relationship between who is doing the shaming and who is being shamed."-Brian Greenhill, author of Transmitting Rights: International Organizations and the Diffusion of Human Rights Practices
"Rochelle Terman exposes the risks and opportunities of shaming as a means of enforcing international human rights. She provides convincing evidence that shaming's consequences depend on relationships. Friends may feel peer pressure to respond while adversaries are likely as not to lash back. Terman's book should be read by anyone who cares about the future of human rights."-Beth A. Simmons, author of Mobilizing for Human Rights: International Law in Domestic Politics
"The Geopolitics of Shaming is one of the must-read books of this year. Rochelle Terman greatly advances our understanding of a fundamental but woefully understudied dynamic of international politics: shaming. Terman compellingly argues that shaming is best thought of relationally, as a strategic interaction between actors. International relations scholars of any background will find something worthwhile here."-Ayşe Zarakol, University of Cambridge "Winner of the Best Book Award, International Collaboration Section of the Am
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Undesirable Immigrants
Why Racism Persists in International Migration
by Andrew S. Rosenberg
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
How the racist legacy of colonialism shapes global migration.
The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 officially ended the explicit prejudice in American immigration policy that began with the 1790 restriction on naturalization to free White persons of "good character." By the 1980s, the rest of the Anglo-European world had followed suit, purging discriminatory language from their immigration laws and achieving what many believe to be a colorblind international system. Undesirable Immigrants challenges this notion, revealing how racial inequality persists in global migration despite the end of formally racist laws.
In this eye-opening book, Andrew Rosenberg argues that while today's leaders claim that their policies are objective and seek only to restrict obviously dangerous migrants, these policies are still correlated with race. He traces how colonialism and White supremacy catalyzed violence and sabotaged institutions around the world, and how this historical legacy has produced migrants that the former imperial powers and their allies now deem unfit to enter. Rosenberg shows how postcolonial states remain embedded in a Western culture that requires them to continuously perform their statehood, and how the closing and policing of international borders has become an important symbol of sovereignty, one that imposes harsher restrictions on non-White migrants.
Drawing on a wealth of original quantitative evidence, “Undesirable Immigrants” demonstrates that we cannot address the challenges of international migration without coming to terms with the brutal history of colonialism.
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Why Wilson Matters
The Origin of American Liberal Internationalism and Its Crisis Today
by Tony Smith
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Tony Smith is the Cornelia M. Jackson Professor of Political Science at Tufts University. His many books include America's Mission: The United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy and The Crisis of American Foreign Policy: Wilsonianism in the Twenty-First Century (both Princeton).
How Woodrow Wilson's vision of making the world safe for democracy has been betrayed-and how America can fulfill it again
The liberal internationalist tradition is credited with America's greatest triumphs as a world power-and also its biggest failures. Beginning in the 1940s, imbued with the spirit of Woodrow Wilson's efforts at the League of Nations to "make the world safe for democracy," the United States steered a course in world affairs that would eventually win the Cold War. Yet in the 1990s, Wilsonianism turned imperialist, contributing directly to the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the continued failures of American foreign policy.
Why Wilson Matters explains how the liberal internationalist community can regain a sense of identity and purpose following the betrayal of Wilson's vision by the brash "neo-Wilsonianism" being pursued today. Drawing on Wilson's original writings and speeches, Tony Smith traces how his thinking about America's role in the world evolved in the years leading up to and during his presidency, and how the Wilsonian tradition went on to influence American foreign policy in the decades that followed-for good and for ill. He traces the tradition's evolution from its "classic" era with Wilson, to its "hegemonic" stage during the Cold War, to its "imperialist" phase today. Smith calls for an end to reckless forms of U.S. foreign intervention, and a return to the prudence and "eternal vigilance" of Wilson's own time.
Why Wilson Matters renews hope that the United States might again become effectively liberal by returning to the sense of realism that Wilson espoused, one where the promotion of democracy around the world is balanced by the understanding that such efforts are not likely to come quickly and without costs. "A painstaking, take-no-prisoners attack on those who believe that America's historical experience can be duplicated everywhere. . . . This makes for powerful reading."---Robert Kaplan, Wall Street Journal "A valiant effort to assert that Woodrow Wilson's view of how America should relate to the world has relevance today. . . . Smith performs a service to readers looking to place current domestic political developments in historical context." "[Smith] wants to reclaim Wilson's historical memory to bolster the very idea of liberal internationalism, which he correctly considers under assault. For Smith, the problem is not that the United States stands for liberal values and seeks to promote democracy abroad; for too many, doing so has become synonymous with military force and overthrowing governments. The association of Wilson's precepts with the recent wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya has caused many to question the wisdom of a vigorous American role in the world. The result, Smith argues, is that 'neo-Wilsonianism sabotaged the very tradition from which it had emerged.'"---Derek Chollet, The National Interest "Even a review as generous in length as H-Diplo allows cannot do justice to Smith's intellectual achievement in his reconsideration of Wilson. . . . The point is to evaluate the major actors, of whom this man stands paramount, for who they were and what they thought they were doing. As a scholar and our only professional academic to become president, Wilson would have wanted nothing less. Tony Smith's book takes us a long way down the path to a true understanding of this man and these events."---John Milton Cooper, Jr., H-Diplo Roundtable Review "A significant and highly original contribution to the scholarship on Wilson and Wilsonianism. The book manages to offer new insights to our understanding of Wilson as well an original critique of cont
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Active Defense
China's Military Strategy since 1949
by M. Taylor Fravel
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"2019 War on the Rocks Holiday Reading List" M. Taylor Fravel is the Arthur and Ruth Sloan Professor of Political Science and a member of the Security Studies Program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He is the author of Strong Borders, Secure Nation (Princeton). Twitter @fravel
What changes in China's modern military policy reveal about military organizations and strategy
Since the 1949 Communist Revolution, China has devised nine different military strategies, which the People's Liberation Army (PLA) calls "strategic guidelines." What accounts for these numerous changes? Active Defense offers the first systematic look at China's military strategy from the mid-twentieth century to today. Exploring the range and intensity of threats that China has faced, M. Taylor Fravel illuminates the nation's past and present military goals and how China sought to achieve them, and offers a rich set of cases for deepening the study of change in military organizations.
Drawing from diverse Chinese-language sources, including memoirs of leading generals, military histories, and document collections that have become available only in the last two decades, Fravel shows why transformations in military strategy were pursued at certain times and not others. He focuses on the military strategies adopted in 1956, 1980, and 1993-when the PLA was attempting to wage war in a new kind of way-to show that China has pursued major change in its strategic guidelines when there has been a significant shift in the conduct of warfare in the international system and when China's Communist Party has been united.
Delving into the security threats China has faced over the last seven decades, Active Defense offers a detailed investigation into how and why states alter their defense policies. "This is the first book to provide a comprehensive history of China's military doctrine as it has evolved since the founding of the People's Republic."---Andrew J. Nathan, Foreign Affairs "Meticulously analyzes China's military strategy since 1945 . . . . A classic that is likely to have great long-term influence . . . . In this unstable environment, Professor Fravel's book could hardly be timelier."---Chas W. Freeman, Jr., Book Post "This book is an outstanding contribution to the canon on Chinese military and strategic affairs . . . . Fravel's new book is an instant classic and a mandatory reference source. I would recommend this volume to students of Chinese foreign policy, international relations, and military affairs without reservation."---James Mulvenon, China Quarterly "Taylor is an authority on the People's Liberation Army, and his latest book is deeply researched and based on primary materials, providing a picture of the ways in which strategic thought in the Chinese military context has evolved over the years. It's easy to recommend as a necessary reference volume for anyone writing on China's contemporary approach to military affairs, rich in context and history."---Ankit Panda, War on the Rocks "An invaluable reference with great intellectual rigor and excellent explanation of sources and methods, Active Defense belongs in a prominent place in the bookshelf of all serious students of China security issues."---Andrew S. Erickson, Journal of Chinese Political Science "Fravel's book is a worthwhile read. China experts and enthusiasts will find it especially compelling, as will those interested in military strategy."---Shai A. Kivity, Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs "Active Defense confirms Fravel's standing as one of the top experts on China's national security strategy. His mastery of history, political science theory, and military doctrine is extraordinary. Given growing Sino-American competition, this is a timely work, relevant to policymakers, strategists, and scholars alike."-Karl Eikenberry, Stanford University and former U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan "Active Defense is a major contribution to our u
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When the Bombs Stopped
The Legacy Of War In Rural Cambodia
by Erin Lin
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
How undetonated bombs from a war that ended more than fifty years ago still affect Cambodian farmers and their land
Over the course of the Vietnam War, the United States dropped 500,000 tons of bombs over Cambodia-more than the combined weight of every man, woman, and child in the country. What began as a secret CIA infiltration of Laos eventually expanded into Cambodia and escalated into a nine-year war over the Ho Chi Minh trail fought primarily with bombs. Fifty years after the last sortie, residents of rural Cambodia are still coping with the unexploded ordnance that covers their land. In When the Bombs Stopped, Erin Lin investigates the consequences of the US bombing campaign across postconflict Cambodia.
Drawing on interviews, original econometric analysis, and extensive fieldwork, Lin upends the usual scholarly perspective on the war and its aftermath, presenting the viewpoint of those who suffered the bombing rather than those who dropped the bombs. She shows that Cambodian farmers stay at a subsistence level because much of their land is too dangerous to cultivate-and yet, paradoxically, the same bombs that endanger and impoverish farming communities also protect them, deterring predatory elites from grabbing and commodifying their land. Lin argues that the half-century legacy of American bombs has sedimented the war into the layers of contemporary Cambodian society. Policies aimed at developing or modernizing Cambodia, whether economic liberalization or authoritarian consolidation, must be realized in an environment haunted by the violence of the past. As the stories Lin captures show, the bombing served as a critical juncture in these farming villages, marking the place in time where development stopped. Erin Lin is assistant professor of political science at the Ohio State University. "This is a devastating look at the long aftermath of the massive American bombing of Cambodia. Through an impressive mix of ethnographic observation, historical data, and mass-sample surveys, Erin Lin shows the enduring economic consequences of that colossal tonnage of bombs-a vital reminder of what warfare means for its poorest and most vulnerable targets."-Gary Bass, Princeton University, author of The Blood Telegram and Judgment at Tokyo
"An astonishing book. With rigorous research, Lin carefully lays out the effects of fear on economic growth in postwar areas of Cambodia. Lin shows how cluster munitions continue to confound development, despite policy changes, agricultural development, and decades of postwar aid. Her book validates the power of an ethnographic approach to reorient economic analysis, infusing scholarship with the moral necessity of linking military technologies to the lives of the people who experience their violence."-Leah Zani, author of Strike Patterns: Notes from Postwar Laos
"This intimate account of lingering postwar damage in rural Cambodia is, like the lasting social and economic wreckage of American bombing itself, deeply devastating and disturbing. Erin Lin boldly shifts our analytical perspective from the bombers to the bombed." -Dan Slater, coauthor of From Development to Democracy
"In this important, sobering, and very relevant contribution to our understanding of the legacies of war, Erin Lin traces the long-run consequences of the US bombing of Cambodia. Combining ethnographic research with statistical analysis of declassified US military data, she shows how farmers today live with the risks posed by the many unexploded bombs still found in fertile areas. Demining of farmland is often followed by predatory land grabbing, contributing to rural inequality in the long shadow of war."-Elisabeth Jean Wood, Yale University
"With wide-ranging curiosity and scholarship, Erin Lin has investigated the lethal legacy of the hundreds of thousands of US bombs dropped decades ago on Cambodia. In When the Bombs Stopped, she ties the continued hardships and
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Disarming Strangers
Nuclear Diplomacy with North Korea
by Leon V. Sigal
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"Winner of the 1998 Book of Distinction on the Practice of Diplomacy, The American Academy of Diplomacy" Leon V. Sigal is a consultant at the Social Science Research Council in New York and Adjunct Professor in the School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University. A former member of The New York Times editorial board, he is also the author of Fighting to a Finish: The Politics of War Termination in the United States and Japan, 1945.
In June 1994 the United States went to the brink of war with North Korea. With economic sanctions impending, President Bill Clinton approved the dispatch of substantial reinforcements to Korea, and plans were prepared for attacking the North's nuclear weapons complex. The turning point came in an extraordinary private diplomatic initiative by former President Jimmy Carter and others to reverse the dangerous American course and open the way to a diplomatic settlement of the nuclear crisis.
Few Americans know the full details behind this story or perhaps realize the devastating impact it could have had on the nation's post-Cold War foreign policy. In this lively and authoritative book, Leon Sigal offers an inside look at how the Korean nuclear crisis originated, escalated, and was ultimately defused. He begins by exploring a web of intelligence failures by the United States and intransigence within South Korea and the International Atomic Energy Agency. Sigal pays particular attention to an American mindset that prefers coercion to cooperation in dealing with aggressive nations. Drawing upon in-depth interviews with policymakers from the countries involved, he discloses the details of the buildup to confrontation, American refusal to engage in diplomatic give-and-take, the Carter mission, and the diplomatic deal of October 1994.
In the post-Cold War era, the United States is less willing and able than before to expend unlimited resources abroad; as a result it will need to act less unilaterally and more in concert with other nations. What will become of an American foreign policy that prefers coercion when conciliation is more likely to serve its national interests? Using the events that nearly led the United States into a second Korean War, Sigal explores the need for policy change when it comes to addressing the challenge of nuclear proliferation and avoiding conflict with nations like Russia, Iran, and Iraq. What the Cuban missile crisis was to fifty years of superpower conflict, the North Korean nuclear crisis is to the coming era. "Sigal makes it disturbingly clear how close the world came to war in Korea in 1994. The product of hundreds of interviews, Disarming Strangers is also the most rigorously detailed account of U.S. policy towards North Korea yet published, and it will remain so for many years.... An important and superbly researched book."---Michael J. Mazarr, Survival "This is a thought-provoking and disturbing book on American and North Korean diplomatic relations. Disarming Strangers is also an extremely well-researched study."---Bill Drucker, Korean Quarterly "Leon Sigal's Disarming Strangers is the most comprehensive treatment of the U.S.-North Korea nuclear negotiations available.... Sigal is at his best in describing the way governments actually come to make decisions."-Robert L. Gallucci, U.S. Negotiator at the High Level Talks, 1993-1994 "A brilliant reconstruction of how close we came to war with North Korea in 1994, . . . A highly cautionary tale, illustrating the value of cooperation, not confrontation, in dealing with dangerous strangers having nuclear aspirations."-Donald P. Gregg, former Ambassador to South Korea "Anyone who cares about how American foreign policy should be conducted after the Cold War should read this book."-Morton H. Halperin, former member, National Security Council Staff
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Who Adjusts?
Domestic Sources of Foreign Economic Policy During the Interwar Years
by Beth A. Simmons
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"Winner of the 1995 Woodrow Wilson Foundation Award" Beth A. Simmons is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Berkeley.
In this work Beth Simmons presents a fresh view of why governments decided to abide by or defect from the gold standard during the 1920s and 1930s. Previous studies of the spread of the Great Depression have emphasized "tit-for-tat" currency and tariff manipulation and a subsequent cycle of destructive competition. Simmons, on the other hand, analyzes the influence of domestic politics on national responses to the international economy. In so doing, she powerfully confirms that different political regimes choose different economic adjustment strategies. "One of the best books I have read in years. . . . Simmons develops a novel, domestic explanation for the policy failures of the interwar period . . . [and] untangles the complicated web of the interwar international political economy. The book not only sets a new standard of research excellence, but it is required reading for all international political economists, as well as many comparativists and historians. . . . Who Adjusts? will certainly become a classic analysis of interwar economic policy."---David A. Lake, American Political Science Review "[Simmons's] arguments and results hold considerable interest for economists and historians as well as political scientists."---Kenneth Mouré, American Historical Review "This ambitious study makes an important contribution to systemic theories of international economics cooperation. . . . Simmons's bold and lucid analysis is stimulating."---Patricia Clavin, Economic History Review
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The Insiders' Game
How Elites Make War And Peace
by Elizabeth N. Saunders
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
How elites shape the use of force in American foreign policy
One of the most widely held views of democratic leaders is that they are cautious about using military force because voters can hold them accountable, ultimately making democracies more peaceful. How, then, are leaders able to wage war in the face of popular opposition, or end conflicts when the public still supports them? The Insiders' Game sheds light on this enduring puzzle, arguing that the primary constraints on decisions about war and peace come from elites, not the public.
Elizabeth Saunders focuses on three groups of elites-presidential advisers, legislators, and military officials-to show how the dynamics of this insiders' game are key to understanding the use of force in American foreign policy. She explores how elite preferences differ from those of ordinary voters, and how leaders must bargain with elites to secure their support for war. Saunders provides insights into why leaders start and prolong conflicts the public does not want, but also demonstrates how elites can force leaders to change course and end wars.
Tracing presidential decisions about the use of force from the Cold War through the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Saunders reveals how the elite politics of war are a central feature of democracy. The Insiders' Game shifts the focus of democratic accountability from the voting booth to the halls of power. Elizabeth N. Saunders is professor of political science at Columbia University. She is the author of Leaders at War: How Presidents Shape Military Interventions. "In recent years, there has been an explosion of work on the nature of public reaction to war and Saunders's work argues that foreign policy-even in a democracy-is effectively run by a small group of political elites. They, not the mass public, are the 'audience' for democratic leaders. This is the best work on public opinion and war in years and is sure to be the most important work at the intersection of American politics and international relations in the years to come."-Adam J. Berinsky, author of In Time of War: Understanding American Public Opinion from World War II to Iraq
"This book is a real achievement. It is a must-read for scholars interested in the domestic politics of foreign policy and international relations. Saunders overturns much of what we think we know about democracies, domestic politics, and war. This theoretically innovative book marks a turning point in the literature, one that will help push the field to engage with domestic politics in exciting new ways."-Austin Carson, author of Secret Wars: Covert Conflict in International Politics
"You cannot understand American foreign policy without understanding the elites who shape it. Drawing on deep research, compelling history, political analysis, and bold thinking, Elizabeth Saunders has written an indispensable guide to understanding who makes decisions about war and peace and why hawkish views so often win out. Read this book if you want to understand how a democracy like the United States goes to war."-Ben Rhodes, author of The World as It Is and After the Fall
"This compelling book examines the bargaining that occurs between democratic leaders and elites in the shadow of public accountability and the ways it influences decisions about war initiation, escalation, and termination. A significant contribution to debates about domestic politics and foreign policy."-Jessica L. P. Weeks, author of Dictators at War and Peace
"The Insiders' Game is an important, landmark work of scholarship that breaks new ground on the politics of democratic elites during choices involving war. This book cements Saunders's status as the unofficial dean of US foreign policy analysis."-Daniel W. Drezner, author of The Ideas Industry: How Pessimists, Partisans, and Plutocrats Are Transforming the Marketplace of Ideas "A Chicago Council on Global Affairs Rea
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Secret Wars
Covert Conflict in International Politics
by Austin Carson
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"Winner of the Lepgold Prize, Mortara Center for International Studies, Georgetown University" "Honorable Mention for the Best Book Award, Conflict Processes Section, American Political Science Association" Austin Carson is assistant professor of political science at the University of Chicago.
Secret Wars is the first book to systematically analyze the ways powerful states covertly participate in foreign wars, showing a recurring pattern of such behavior stretching from World War I to U.S.-occupied Iraq. Investigating what governments keep secret during wars and why, Austin Carson argues that leaders maintain the secrecy of state involvement as a response to the persistent concern of limiting war. Keeping interventions "backstage" helps control escalation dynamics, insulating leaders from domestic pressures while communicating their interest in keeping a war contained.
Carson shows that covert interventions can help control escalation, but they are almost always detected by other major powers. However, the shared value of limiting war can lead adversaries to keep secret the interventions they detect, as when American leaders concealed clashes with Soviet pilots during the Korean War. Escalation concerns can also cause leaders to ignore covert interventions that have become an open secret. From Nazi Germany's role in the Spanish Civil War to American covert operations during the Vietnam War, Carson presents new insights about some of the most influential conflicts of the twentieth century.
Parting the curtain on the secret side of modern war, Secret Wars provides important lessons about how rival state powers collude and compete, and the ways in which they avoid outright military confrontations. "[An] intriguing analysis."---Lawrence D. Freedman, Foreign Affairs "[An] excellent new book. . . . Throughout, Carson's archival research is impressive."---Sam Winter-Levy, Lawfare "This is a very interesting and thought-provoking analysis of covert conflict in international politics." "[A]n outstanding book, one likely to produce a vibrant research program in the years to come."---Stacie Goddard, H-Diplo "Carson is to be congratulated for a scholarly study with broad appeal that presents a new perspective on international politics that overturns many commonly held assumptions. - Matthew Hughes, Journal of Interdisciplinary History " "Why do states intervene overtly in some military conflicts but covertly in others? This innovative and compelling study, one of the best available on covert intervention, argues that states intervene secretly to avoid potentially dangerous escalation. In a fascinating twist, adversaries that discover covert interventions sometimes play along, keeping them secret to avoid pressures for counterintervention. Carson brilliantly illuminates this hidden side of war."-Alexander B. Downes, George Washington University "This is the first thorough exploration of the role of secrecy in war-not to keep things from the adversary, but to control the pressures for escalation and to collude with the adversary in order to keep a war limited. With important arguments and case studies, this excellent book offers new information and interpretations of facts. It will have a major impact."-Robert Jervis, Columbia University "This book persuasively argues that both covert action in limited war, and observers' collusion in keeping those actions secret, are driven by fear of escalation and the desire to keep war limited. Secret Wars substantiates these claims well, drawing on carefully researched and strong case studies covering key participants in a series of important wars that featured covert action."-Ronald Krebs, University of Minnesota "Secret Wars brings a common but hidden form of conflict into the light. States love secrecy, but this book shows that adversaries often collude with each other to keep war in the shadows and off the escalation ladder. Carson has produced an exceptiona
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Revolutions in Sovereignty
How Ideas Shaped Modern International Relations
by Daniel Philpott
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Daniel Philpott is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Santa Barbara. He has published on such topics as self-determination, sovereignty, and ethics and international relations.
How did the world come to be organized into sovereign states? Daniel Philpott argues that two historical revolutions in ideas are responsible. First, the Protestant Reformation ended medieval Christendom and brought a system of sovereign states in Europe, culminating at the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. Second, ideas of equality and colonial nationalism brought a sweeping end to colonial empires around 1960, spreading the sovereign states system to the rest of the globe. In both cases, revolutions in ideas about legitimate political authority profoundly altered the "constitution" that establishes basic authority in the international system.
Ideas exercised influence first by shaping popular identities, then by exercising social power upon the elites who could bring about new international constitutions. Swaths of early modern Europeans, for instance, arrived at Protestant beliefs, then fought against the temporal powers of the Church on behalf of the sovereignty of secular princes, who could overthrow the formidable remains of a unified medieval Christendom. In the second revolution, colonial nationalists, domestic opponents of empire, and rival superpowers pressured European cabinets to relinquish their colonies in the name of equality and nationalism, resulting in a global system of sovereign states. Bringing new theoretical and historical depth to the study of international relations, Philpott demonstrates that while shifts in military, economic, and other forms of material power cannot be overlooked, only ideas can explain how the world came to be organized into a system of sovereign states. "This convincing portrait show how power and ideas together shape international relations."---John Ikenberry, Foreign Affairs "Revolutions and Sovereignty is a cogently argued and superbly written book in which Daniel Philpott sets forth an original and provocative thesis. Challenging Realist and materialist interpretations of international relations, he makes an impressive case for the central role of ideas, particularly religious ideas, in shaping the nature of revolutions in the international state system beginning with the impact of Protestantism on the Westphalian settlement of 1648. This is a book which undoubtedly will stimulate much debate and which demands and deserves thoughtful attention at a time when that state system is in the midst of yet another revolutionary transformation."-Samuel Huntington, Harvard University "Dan Philpott is a rising star in international relations, and this book demonstrates why. It is rich in historic detail, conceptually rigorous, bold, and written with felicity. The reader puts down Revolutions in Sovereignty with a keener sense of why ideas matter to the world of international politics, an arena often construed as a field of force in which ideas play an inconsequent role."-Jean Bethke Elshtain, University of Chicago, author of Women and War "Revolutions in Sovereignty tells us how ideas have shaped the basic structure of international relations in the modern era. Before sovereign statehood became real, it became an ideal in the minds of the leaders and their followers who then made states sovereign. In explaining how this happened, Daniel Philpott brings original and insightful scholarship to bear on large and important issues."-Michael Doyle, Princeton University, author of Ways of War and Peace
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Roosevelt and the Munich Crisis
A Study of Political Decision-Making
by Barbara Reardon Farnham
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Barbara Rearden Farnham is Senior Associate at the Institute of War and Peace Studies.
Franklin Roosevelt's intentions during the three years between Munich and Pearl Harbor have been a source of controversy among historians for decades. Barbara Farnham offers both a theory of how the domestic political context affects foreign policy decisions in general and a fresh interpretation of FDR's post-Munich policies based on the insights that the theory provides. Between 1936 and 1938, Roosevelt searched for ways to influence the deteriorating international situation. When Hitler's behavior during the Munich crisis showed him to be incorrigibly aggressive, FDR settled on aiding the democracies, a course to which he adhered until America's entry into the war. This policy attracted him because it allowed him to deal with a serious problem: the conflict between the need to stop Hitler and the domestic imperative to avoid any risk of American involvement in a war.
Because existing theoretical approaches to value conflict ignore the influence of political factors on decision-making, they offer little help in explaining Roosevelt's behavior. As an alternative, this book develops a political approach to decision-making which focuses on the impact that awareness of the imperatives of the political context can have on decision-making processes and, through them, policy outcomes. It suggests that in the face of a clash of central values decision-makers who are aware of the demands of the political context are likely to be reluctant to make trade-offs, seeking instead a solution that gives some measure of satisfaction to all the values implicated in the decision. "A valiant and admirable effort to bring together international-relations theory and historical evidence (however anecdotal). . . . No book better re-creates Roosevelt's awareness of the aviation age; it belongs on the scholar's shelf."---Warren F. Kimball, The Times Literary Supplement "Farnham argues with great clarity and commendable force that the Munich crisis played a decisive role in determining for Roosevelt that German aims in Europe . . . posed a direct threat to long-term US security." "Using her theory of political decision making, Farnham effectively weaves together the diverse and contradictory aspects of Roosevelt's policy into a coherent description of a president intent on acting to address American security needs but responsive to domestic political restraints. . . . She makes a strong case, worthy of consideration."---T. Michael Ruddy, History "It is refreshing to see a work that takes a different point of view and argues it vigorously, backed with ample evidence. . . . [An] interesting and worthy read."---Mark J. Rozell, APSA Journal "In this fine book, Barbara Farnham describes and explains Franklin D. Roosevelt's policies and actions toward the Munich crisis of 1938, its background, and its aftermath. She advances a clear thesis that she develops consistently throughout the book. She is perceptive, fair, and balanced in her analyses."---Wayne S. Cole, Diplomatic History "[An] impressive scholarly achievement . . .The book is very readable."---Stephen G. Walker, American Political Science Review "Solving the FDR enigma is not easy. Farnham's theory, bringing an essentially political dimension to the problem of choice, provides historians with a more rigorous and intellectually viable approach to the problem of decoding FDR."-Waldo Heinrichs, San Diego State University "This work provides a subtle reading of FDR's actions and motivations. The result is a fascinating, original, and highly readable book."-Fred I. Greenstein, Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University
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Strategic Instincts
The Adaptive Advantages of Cognitive Biases in International Politics
by Dominic D. P. Johnson
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Dominic D. P. Johnson is the Alistair Buchan Professor of International Relations at St Antony's College, University of Oxford. He is the author of God Is Watching You and Overconfidence and War and the coauthor of Failing to Win.
"A very timely book."-Anne-Marie Slaughter, CEO of New America
How cognitive biases can guide good decision making in politics and international relations
A widespread assumption in political science and international relations is that cognitive biases-quirks of the brain we all share as human beings-are detrimental and responsible for policy failures, disasters, and wars. In Strategic Instincts, Dominic Johnson challenges this assumption, explaining that these nonrational behaviors can actually support favorable results in international politics and contribute to political and strategic success. By studying past examples, he considers the ways that cognitive biases act as "strategic instincts," lending a competitive edge in policy decisions, especially under conditions of unpredictability and imperfect information.
Drawing from evolutionary theory and behavioral sciences, Johnson looks at three influential cognitive biases-overconfidence, the fundamental attribution error, and in-group/out-group bias. He then examines the advantageous as well as the detrimental effects of these biases through historical case studies of the American Revolution, the Munich Crisis, and the Pacific campaign in World War II. He acknowledges the dark side of biases-when confidence becomes hubris, when attribution errors become paranoia, and when group bias becomes prejudice. Ultimately, Johnson makes a case for a more nuanced understanding of the causes and consequences of cognitive biases and argues that in the complex world of international relations, strategic instincts can, in the right context, guide better performance.
Strategic Instincts shows how an evolutionary perspective can offer the crucial next step in bringing psychological insights to bear on foundational questions in international politics. "Rich. . . . Full of insights." "Remarkable in its scope and fascinating to read. I hope it's widely read by politicians, military experts, and diplomats because it offers a variety of consequential actionable insights."---Daniel T. Blumstein, Journal of Bioeconomics "Johnson's work furthers our understanding of how adaptive traits of human psychology that evolved over the millenniums yield competitive advantages in modern times."---Ziyuan Wang, China International Strategy Review "Dominic Johnson has written a very timely book. Relying on psychology and evolutionary biology, he draws a far more realistic picture of human decision making than rational choice theory allows. It is high time that adaptive intuition take its rightful place alongside logic and calculation."-Anne-Marie Slaughter, CEO of New America "A thoughtful, almost forensic, examination of significant historical examples demonstrating an idea that became clear to us in the Irish Peace Process-those who operate contrary to the laws of rational, responsible behavior often succeed better than those who do. This is evolutionary research at its challenging best, with profound implications for international relations."-John Alderdice, Member of the House of Lords "This excellent book argues that common psychological biases, generally decried as responsible for errors and misfortune, are evolutionarily derived and, on balance, advantageous. Strategic Instincts is original and important."-Robert Jervis, Columbia University
"Strategic Instincts is a fascinating application of evolutionary psychology to international relations. By emphasizing the often beneficial consequences of cognitive biases that have evolved over human history, Dominic Johnson provides an intriguing and provocative new perspective on international security. Anyone with good strategic instincts will want to read this book."-Jack S. Levy, Rutgers Unive
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Useful Adversaries
Grand Strategy, Domestic Mobilization, and Sino-American Conflict, 1947-1958
by Thomas J. Christensen
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Thomas J. Christensen is currently Assistant Professor of Government at Cornell University. He formerly held an SSRC/MacArthur Foundation fellowship in international peace and security and was an Olin National Security Fellow at Harvard University.
This book provides a new analysis of why relations between the United States and the Chinese Communists were so hostile in the first decade of the Cold War. Employing extensive documentation, it offers a fresh approach to long-debated questions such as why Truman refused to recognize the Chinese Communists, why the United States aided Chiang Kai-shek's KMT on Taiwan, why the Korean War escalated into a Sino-American conflict, and why Mao shelled islands in the Taiwan Straits in 1958, thus sparking a major crisis with the United States.
Christensen first develops a novel two-level approach that explains why leaders manipulate low-level conflicts to mobilize popular support for expensive, long-term security strategies. By linking "grand strategy," domestic politics, and the manipulation of ideology and conflict, Christensen provides a nuanced and sophisticated link between domestic politics and foreign policy. He then applies the approach to Truman's policy toward the Chinese Communists in 1947-50 and to Mao's initiation of the 1958 Taiwan Straits Crisis. In these cases the extension of short-term conflict was useful in gaining popular support for the overall grand strategy that each leader was promoting domestically: Truman's limited-containment strategy toward the USSR and Mao's self-strengthening programs during the Great Leap Forward. Christensen also explores how such low-level conflicts can escalate, as they did in Korea, despite leaders' desire to avoid actual warfare. "[Christensen] makes a convincing and original argument that political leaders, in order to secure public support for their fundamental grand strategy, may have to adopt a more hostile foreign policy than they would prefer . . . This volume is indispensable for anyone interested in Sino-American relations."
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Aftershocks
Great Powers and Domestic Reforms in the Twentieth Century
by Seva Gunitsky
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
"One of Foreign Affairs Best of Books 2017 – Political and Legal / Globalization" Seva Gunitsky is assistant professor of political science at the University of Toronto.
Over the past century, democracy spread around the world in turbulent bursts of change, sweeping across national borders in dramatic cascades of revolution and reform. Aftershocks offers a new global-oriented explanation for this wavelike spread and retreat-not only of democracy but also of its twentieth-century rivals, fascism and communism.
Seva Gunitsky argues that waves of regime change are driven by the aftermath of cataclysmic disruptions to the international system. These hegemonic shocks, marked by the sudden rise and fall of great powers, have been essential and often-neglected drivers of domestic transformations. Though rare and fleeting, they not only repeatedly alter the global hierarchy of powerful states but also create unique and powerful opportunities for sweeping national reforms-by triggering military impositions, swiftly changing the incentives of domestic actors, or transforming the basis of political legitimacy itself. As a result, the evolution of modern regimes cannot be fully understood without examining the consequences of clashes between great powers, which repeatedly-and often unsuccessfully-sought to cajole, inspire, and intimidate other states into joining their camps. "Highly recommended. . . . The conclusion is especially strong and provocative, speculating that though democracy has advantages that prevent crises from becoming so severe they threaten stability, autocratic capitalism may be a viable alternative if democracy fails to provide security and prosperity for its people." "In this landmark study, Gunitsky . . . illuminates the deep connections between global shfits in power and waves of domestic regime change. . . . No book has made a stronger case that the fate of democracy is tied to the rise and fall of great powers and the leadership of liberal hegemonic states." "An important, well-argued and well-written contribution to the literature on the international dimension of change in political regimes across different countries."---Nicholas Bouchet, International Affairs "Aftershocks is a tour de force, traveling across the twentieth century, simultaneously providing a parsimonious theoretical map of the entire century's experience with democratic breakthroughs and breakdowns, while also remaining immersed in rich historical detail. . . . Gunitsky has given us a powerful lens to understand not only the past but the present as well."---Daniel Ziblatt, Perspectives on Politics "Ambitious and lucid, Aftershocks offers an alternative way to view twentieth-century global history, and is a book that belongs in the company of works by Gilpin and Ikenberry. In our own time of global power shifts, Gunitsky's fundamental claim-that hegemonic transitions explain the spread and contraction of democracy across entire regions-is vitally important and impossible to ignore."-John M. Owen IV, University of Virginia "By delving into how international dynamics shape the spread of democracy and autocracy over time, Gunitsky presents a much-needed theoretical and empirical synthesis for anyone interested in international relations and domestic politics. As the world faces changing global powers and declining support for democracy, Gunitsky's book is essential reading with significant practical implications."-Susan D. Hyde, University of California, Berkeley "Aftershocks examines the role of international factors in shaping the rise and fall of regime types. Contending that a regime cannot be understood in purely domestic terms, Gunitsky explores the nature of global influences and how they work. This book has a big historical sweep and is filled with well-chosen examples."-Peter Gourevitch, University of California, San Diego "Aftershocks makes a strong and creative theoretical argument while providing a wide variety
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Economic Discrimination and Political Exchange
World Political Economy in the 1930s and 1980s
by Kenneth A. Oye
Part of the Princeton Studies in International History and Politics series
Kenneth A. Oye is Associate Professor of Political Science and Director of the Center for International Studies at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He is the editor of Cooperation under Anarchy (Princeton) and coeditor of Eagle in a New World: American Grand Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era (HarperCollins).
Did bilateral and regional bargaining choke off international commerce and finance in the 1930s and prolong the Great Depression? Is the open world economic system now being placed at risk by explicitly discriminatory practices that erode respect for the GATT, the IMF, and the IBRD? Most political economists would answer in the affirmative, warning that bilateral and regional preferences are at best inefficient and at worst catastrophic. By contrast, Kenneth Oye shows how economic discrimination can foster international economic openness by facilitating political exchange. "Oye's new book offers a concise analysis of the structure of international commercial relations, including its financial and macroeconomic underpinnings, in the 1930s and 1980s."---The, Annals of the American Academy of Political & Social Science "Economic Discrimination and Political Exchange is in my judgment an important piece of work that makes major interpretive and theoretical contributions. Oye succeeds in the rarely achieved task of putting old facts in a new light. At the theoretical level, he goes beyond the increasingly fruitless confrontation of hegemonic, regime-oriented, and pluralistic bargaining theories to make some interesting arguments about the conditions under which each of these patterns of action leads to cooperation."-Robert O. Keohane, Harvard University